A crucial mood, the “No Really, Seriously, What Is Going On?” mood, the mood of true curiosity. I don’t know if they’ve found the truth, but I can tell they are earnestly looking.
— Emmett Shear
Freeze and Cower
Consider: You are in a terrible situation and your fear governor expects you to die in a horrifying way, -1000 points. There is nothing you can do, so you take the action “freeze and cower”. But instead, you survive and it’s not nearly as bad as expected, only -100 points.
Sounds great, right? Wrong! The sad truth is that as far as the fear governor can tell, “freeze and cower” has just given you +900 points! It is the best action you have ever taken, possibly the best action of all time. It doesn’t matter that the prediction was wrong, that things went badly but not as badly as the worst possible outcome, that’s not how the system works.
Your fear governor has learned that “freeze and cower” is the best action it can take. So whenever you feel fear in the future, it votes that you should freeze and cower, and you usually do. Since (in the modern world) most things you are afraid of do eventually go away if you freeze and cower for long enough, your fear governor continues to believe that “freeze and cower” is a good action, and keeps voting “freeze and cower” up and down the ballot.
This sounds a lot like PTSD. Take for example this description from Scott Alexander’s review of Van der Kolk’s book, The Body Keeps The Score:
Van der Kolk thinks that traumas are much more likely to cause PTSD when the victim is somehow unable to respond to them. Enemy soldiers shooting at you and you are running away = less likelihood of trauma. Enemy soldiers shooting at you and you are hiding motionless behind a tree = more likelihood of trauma. Speculatively, your body feels like its going into trauma mode hasn’t gotten you to take the right actions, and so the trauma mode cannot end.
In the real world PTSD is often more complex, but that added complexity usually makes things worse, not better. For example, a civilian is mostly not afraid of loud noises like fireworks, and the fear governor does not even pay attention. But if you go to war and you learn that loud noises are dangerous, they become something that your fear governor considers its rightful business. You also learn that “freeze and cower” is a great action that always seems to work. So you return to civilian life ready to freeze and cower not only when you encounter the things that have always scared you, but also in response to things that you previously would not have found frightening.
With enough exposure, this response might go away. But not all exposure will be equal. If we play a loud sound, and you freeze and cower, and nothing bad happens, this actually reinforces the response. It’s just more evidence that “freeze and cower” is a good action that is reliably followed by a safe outcome.
Instead, you need to play a loud noise, but quiet enough that you can force yourself to not freeze and cower. Over time, this should teach you that other actions, like “stand there calmly”, are just as good. But it may take a long time for these estimates to balance out. From our example above, “freeze and cower” is valued at +900 safety points. And it only got there because your fear governor expected to die, and then didn’t. So a program of exposure where you get exposed to a little danger at a time will take a long time to catch up.
The really weird implication here is that a faster form of exposure therapy might be to get you to freeze and cower, and then actually hurt you! This would hopefully teach your fear and pain governors that “freeze and cower” has negative value, and it should get you to that conclusion faster. That said, the ethics of actually harming your patients seems questionable.
We can also think a little bit about individual differences. Some people probably have faster or slower learning rates, and this makes them more or less easy to traumatize from a single event.
Remember this equation from earlier? There’s that term α, which is the learning rate. If the learning rate is high, then your opinion of an action will change a lot every time you try that action. So a person with a high learning rate is more likely to become traumatized from a single experience. Just one very good or bad experience with an action would hugely change their estimate of how reasonable it is to take that action. But someone with a low learning rate will only ever change their estimate of an action by a small amount, so would be less likely to get traumatized unless the same outcome happened to them over and over.
Some people have more or less previous experience with the frightening stimuli. If you have a lot of previous experiences with loud noises, then artillery explosions won’t be so unusual, and you probably won’t learn to treat all loud noises as dangerous. But if you grew up in the silence of rural North Dakota, the experience of an artillery barrage might teach a lesson that gets passed on to all loud noises, for lack of experience.
Never Drink Alone
Consider: Drugs often interfere with specific error signals.
Take alcohol, which is especially famous for the way it reduces feelings of shame. When you get drunk, you feel much less shame than you did before, and you might end up doing some very shameless things. It also seems to suppress emotions like fear and thirst, and maybe increases emotions like hunger and exhaustion, which is why you do something dangerous, eat a whole basket of fries, and then pass out.
Imagine a guy named Chris who has just turned 21. He goes out drinking for the first time and he is feeling pretty good. He isn’t feeling ashamed of anything at all, so the alcohol can’t reduce his feelings of shame, because shame is at zero.
A few weeks later, someone finds out a dark secret about Chris’s past and confronts him with it. Now Chris is feeling deeply ashamed. He has plans to go out drinking with friends though, so he still goes to join them. When he lifts the bottle of beer to his lips, he has a very large shame error signal. And when he drinks the alcohol, that shame error is reduced. By his fifth beer, he doesn’t feel ashamed at all.
What does his shame governor learn from this experience? It learns that drinking beer is a great way to reduce its error. This is great news for the shame governor, because there are not many ways to quickly reduce shame. It resolves to vote for Chris to drink beer in the future whenever he feels ashamed.
We see similar patterns across the world of drugs. Caffeine and amphetamines reduce fatigue and hunger. Opiates reduce pain. And MDMA seems to interact somehow with the social emotions — maybe it reduces shame while increasing other drives, ones that make people more social and touchy-feely.
With us so far? Let’s try a more complicated example.
Let’s say you are hanging around one day, feeling pretty ok. All your errors are close to zero, so you’re mostly in alignment. You’re a little chilly, but only a little: your cold governor has an error of 5 points.
You decide to take some amphetamines just for fun, like one does. You’ve never taken amphetamines before, but you feel fine and you have nothing better to do.
Let’s say that amphetamines have only one effect: they immediately change any error you have to zero. This lasts until the amphetamines wear off, at which point the error goes back to whatever it was before. So when you take the amphetamines, your cold error goes to zero for a while, and you no longer feel chilly.
Your cold governor picks up on this. Its job is to generate and keep track of that error, and keep track of ways to reduce that error towards zero. So your cold governor learns that “take amphetamines” reduces its error by about 5 points.
The amphetamines don’t actually change your body temperature (at least not in this hypothetical). They just adjust the error signal and temporarily turn it to zero. But your cold governor isn’t sensitive to this distinction. It’s wired to correct an error term. Anything that corrects the error is still a correction, and is perfect in your governor’s eyes.
It will remember this information, but this factoid doesn’t really matter because the correction is so small. A fairly normal option, like “put on a sweater”, is already valued at 50 points. Even “just stand there and shiver” is valued at 10 points! So your cold governor will remember that amphetamines correct its error a little bit, but it will never vote for amphetamines, since it will always have better options.
Later, you are feeling kind of tired and lonely. Let’s say your tired error is 50 and your loneliness error is 100. You would normally go to sleep when you’re this tired, but you want to go out to see friends. But all your friends happen to be out of town this weekend, and no one is responding to texts. So you’re doubly uncomfortable. You decide to try some amphetamines again, just for laughs.
What happens? Well, your tired error and your loneliness error both go to zero. Your tired and lonely governors dutifully mark this down in their ledgers: amphetamines have a +50 correction for tiredness and +100 correction against loneliness.
From the governors’ point of view, this is pretty good. Their only job is to reduce their error signals — they have no ability or reason to care about anything else. So they consider this drug just as good as or even better than their other options.
Now you are in trouble. Your governors have learned that amphetamines are a really good solution to being tired, and one of the best solutions ever to being lonely. In the future, your tired governor will often vote for you to take amphetamines instead of sleeping, and your loneliness governor will reliably vote for you to take amphetamines instead of anything else. From the governor’s point of view, why leave the house and socialize, which has a small chance of making you slightly less lonely, when you could take amphetamines and immediately feel not lonely at all.
Things will only get worse from here. As these two governors vote for you to take amphetamines, any other governors who happen to be out of alignment will learn the same bizarre lesson.
You get a little lonely, and so your loneliness governor votes for you to take some amphetamines. This time, your hunger governor also happens to be a bit out of alignment; you have an error of 20 for hunger.
When the loneliness governor makes you take amphetamines, your hunger error also goes to zero, and your hunger governor picks up on a new idea: amphetamines reduce hunger by about 20 points! That’s almost as good as a quesadilla. Now the hunger governor will often vote for amphetamines, since as far as it can tell, amphetamines are just as good as food. In fact, it will soon learn that amphetamines are better than food, since they correct its errors so reliably.
It’s probably clear why this is very dangerous. If you take a drug that reduces all error signals, then any governor with a large error signal when you take the drug (you’re hungry, you’re angry, etc.) learns to vote in favor of that drug, because it learns that the drug reduces its error signal. Because the drug reduces every error signal.
If you take the drug over and over, you dig yourself deeper every time. Different systems will be out of alignment each time you take the drug, so more governors will see that the drug corrects their error and will learn to vote for it. Eventually, all governors are voting for the drug — hunger is voting for the drug instead of eating, horny is voting for the drug instead of sex, and so on. And the drug feels pleasurable to take — it causes happiness when it corrects the errors, because correcting errors always causes happiness.
When the drug wears off, the error signal goes right back to where it was before. So you’re still tired, hungry, or whatever else. All you did was waste some hours.
You are now very truly addicted. Or at least, that’s what it looks like to us. If you follow this model to its logical conclusion, you get something that looks very much like addiction.
This fits with the observation that some people can take supposedly addictive drugs without getting addicted. In addition to things like genetic differences, if you don’t have large errors when you take your drugs, you won’t get addicted. If you’re already chair of the psychiatry department at Columbia, there’s not much more that drugs can do for you.
This may have something to do with why drug withdrawal feels like abstract “suffering” rather than bad in any particular way. If you have a serious addiction, then when the drug is taken away, every sense you have for finding something wrong with the world will be firing all at once, so in withdrawl you feel not only hungry and thirsty but also tired/pain/cold/hot/scared/angry/jealous/…
Your governors are always trying to estimate the value of different actions (value in the sense of what effect it will have on the signal they care about). But it’s impossible to accurately estimate the value of an action, like taking a drug, that temporarily sends all errors to zero. These drugs don’t have a true value — they interfere with the signal directly. Since they are so tangential to what your governors are trying to do, they really mess with your normal process of learning.
You are lonely — and smoking a cigarette will extinguish that loneliness for about 30 minutes. When it’s over, you will be just as lonely as before. But if you have no better options, the forces inside you that seek connection will still demand you smoke that cigarette, even against your better judgment. A promising but never-fulfilling solution to a basic desire is the core mechanism of addiction.
Most drugs don’t appear to interfere with every error signal, they only interfere with a few. If alcohol only interferes with your shame and your fear governors, then you would only get addicted to alcohol if you drink when you are ashamed and/or afraid. Your hunger or dominance governors won’t be tricked by alcohol, because it doesn’t mess with their signals.
The model predicts that you’re more likely to get addicted to a drug if you take it when you are out of equilibrium in some way. If you take a drug when all your error signals are near zero, then the drug won’t correct those errors by very much, it can’t. Your governors will learn that taking the drug only corrects their errors a bit, and will probably ignore it. This means that social drinking and social smoking might in fact be safer than other forms of smoking and drinking — the folk wisdom that says “never drink alone” may just be onto something.
This also implies some things about what it means to have an addictive personality, what kinds of people are more likely to get addicted to a substance. People with a high learning rate are more likely to get addicted, because their governors will take a single experience with a drug more seriously.
If two people take cocaine when their fatigue error is at 100 points, the drug sends both of their fatigue errors to zero. The person with the high learning rate estimates that the fatigue correction of cocaine is 80 points, and the person with the low learning rate estimates that the fatigue correction of cocaine is 20 points. Obviously one of these people will be more likely to take cocaine in the future, and will be more prone to a serious runaway addiction.
There are some kinds of addiction that don’t involve an external chemical at all. These addictions must have some other origin, since they don’t come about by directly messing with error signals in the brain. We think these can be explained in a couple of different ways.
First of all, the word “addiction” is used very broadly, to mean something like “a habit I do more than I’m supposed to” or “something I do all the time but I don’t endorse”. Sometimes addiction is just a word for something that’s not socially normal or something that is more extreme than normal.
When someone describes themselves as a sex addict, they are often just someone with an unusually high sex drive. Or when someone says they are addicted to cupcakes, they really just mean that their perfectly natural drive to eat sugar is in conflict with their drives to avoid shame and social stigma. Or when someone appears addicted to video games, but that person is in fact feeding their drive for domination in the only way that won’t get them into serious trouble.
This form of addiction can still be pathological. It’s possible that your drive for sex or for cupcakes is so strong that it prevents you from taking care of your other responsibilities, so strong that it comes to ruin your life. These drives are “natural” in the sense that you were born that way, but that doesn’t make them any less destructive. And it could still be pathological in the sense that it’s the result of illness or damage, like if your drive became unusually strong as a result of some kind of traumatic brain injury. But ultimately this “addiction” is one of your drives performing its functions in the normal way, just in a way that you don’t endorse.
One sign that these cases are extreme forms of normal behavior is that these addictions are all linked to one of the basic drives, like food or sex. Even some behaviors that are viewed as purely compulsive, like pica, may actually be the result of a drive that is not commonly recognized, like the drive to eat enough iron. The people on edible dirt etsy must be spending all that money on dirt for some reason. In comparison, we know that evolution did not give us a natural drive to do lines of cocaine. That’s an unnatural desire, driven by some kind of basic malfunction in the systems that are in charge of learning and motivation.
All that said, there are some kinds of addiction that aren’t obviously linked to any drive, and aren’t the result of drugs. The clearest example is gambling.
This kind of addiction might be explained by simple facts of learning. Gambling seems to be the most addictive when the rewards are really variable and the gambles happen on very short time loops. Or they might be most easily explained by something like time discounting — you can put off the shame of failure by doubling down, at least until you can’t anymore.
But the real lesson here might just be that there could be more than one kind of addiction. The idea of looking for a single explanation for every kind of compulsive behavior is exactly the kind of superficial word-chasing that we should try to avoid.
Bloody Knuckles
Consider: If cutting yourself gives -10 points, but stopping cutting gives +15 points, then your pain governor will consistently vote for you to cut yourself, so it can then vote for you to stop cutting yourself, netting it a cool 5 points. It will do this whenever you are idle enough that there’s nothing more important going on, when nothing else can beat out its votes.
We think of self-harm as pathological, but there may be some part of it that is very normal. There’s a famous study from 2015, where the authors put people alone in a room for 15 minutes, hooked up to a shock generator that they could shock themselves with as much as they want. They had previously felt the shock and said they found it painful, but 67% of men and 25% of women still chose to shock themselves at least once more, instead of sitting in silence for 15 minutes. Men gave themselves more shocks on average (an average of 1.47 shocks) than women (an average of 1.00 shocks), not counting one man who shocked himself 190 times.
This might follow the same logic as other self-harm, just on a smaller scale. If the shock is more startling than truly painful (-1 point), and the relief of not being shocked any more is a bit pleasant (+5 points) then it’s easy enough to end up in a situation where on net you enjoy shocking yourself.
This issue seems important for making cybernetic systems work. You need these numbers to be in the right ratio. Otherwise, you get caught in a loop — stick your head underwater so you get an error, then take it out so that the error is reduced. But self-harm does sometimes happen, meaning that whatever steps our psychology has taken to resolve this issue don’t work perfectly, or don’t work in every situation.
One way to save on energy, and keep an animal from getting too distracted, would be for governors to become dormant when they don’t have a very big error. After all, if they don’t have a big error, there’s not much they need to pay attention to. This seems to fit that trope where someone does something they thought they wanted, then immediately regrets the consequences. Why didn’t they see that coming? Because the governor that disapproves couldn’t get through. It was asleep.
If this is how we’re designed, then before self-harm the pain governor would be partially offline and wouldn’t be able to vote against “cut yourself”. Then it would be fully online for “stop cutting yourself”.
But this doesn’t work for a few reasons. First of all, governors do seem to get some votes even when their errors are at zero, which is obvious from how often they vote against stuff. If you’re nice and warm inside and you don’t want to slog out into the cold to scrape off your car, that’s your cold governor voting against it, even though it doesn’t have any error at the moment.
Pain seems like a governor that should always be at least somewhat awake. Pain is probably strong even if it’s dormant, because its main job is to prevent injury. It needs to be able to vote against dangers to life and limb, even when you’re not currently in any pain. The hunger governor can turn off when you’re not hungry, but the pain governor can’t turn off when you’re not in pain.
More importantly, even if the pain governor were off, then what governor would be voting for you to cut yourself in the first place? Maybe there’s a way to confuse the pain governor to vote for “hurt yourself then stop hurting yourself” but if so, it would need to be online to vote for it. It wouldn’t do that if it were dormant.
Maybe self-harm only works over very short time horizons. Pleasure and pain in the future should be both discounted, they should be counted as less than 100% of their values because the future is uncertain. Even if you expect something good or bad to happen, there’s always some chance that it won’t come through.
If negative events in 1 minute are weighted so that they’re less than positive events in 2 minutes, that could maybe lead to self-harm. Getting cut is 60% of -10 points, stopping getting cut is 80% of +8 points, suddenly the pain governor is happy to vote for one so it can get to the other.
A more straightforward explanation is that some other governor is voting for you to cut yourself, and it’s much more powerful than the pain governor, so it can overrule it. This is most obvious in cases like ritual self-harm, games like chicken or bloody knuckles. In this case, failing to go through with the painful or embarrassing experience would lose the confidence of your community, you would be ashamed, it would show that you were a loser or a coward. These are high enough stakes that other drives are able to out-vote the pain governor.
There might be many governors that could vote for this. For example, there might be an actual drive to harm others, that motivates things like sadism and serial killing. If you have a drive to hurt something, but the only thing you can hurt without consequence is yourself, then this drive might eventually overpower your drive for pain, and you would hurt yourself as a compromise.
Or, maybe the systems set in place to prevent self-harm do work perfectly fine, and so self-harm only happens when something has happened and those systems aren’t working properly, more like depression. If a malfunction makes it so that bad experiences are estimated as less bad than usual, that would make you pretty reckless — and it could mean that you’re willing to hurt yourself to get the benefits of not hurting yourself later.
It is interesting to note that when certain types of paradoxes are fed to the Kalin-Burkhart machine it goes into an oscillating phase, switching rapidly back and forth from true to false. In a letter to Burkhart in 1947 Kalin described one such example and concluded, “This may be a version of Russell’s paradox. Anyway, it makes a hell of a racket.”
But other times, things do not go so well. The inside of your head is like any palace intrigue: factions rise and fall, allies today are enemies tomorrow, and no one is ever fully in control.
Conflict
When your governors want two incompatible goals to be realized at once, the result is conflict.
Conflict can have different outcomes. When the opposing governors are closely matched in force and there’s a binary decision, it will lead to inaction. When they are closely matched in force and there’s a range of behavior, it will lead to half-measures. When one is much stronger, it can lead to countermeasures.
For example, your hunger governors might vote strongly in favor of eating a piece of cherry pie. But like many people, you have internalized the idea that eating cherry pie is a wicked, weak thing to do. So your shame governor votes strongly against it. The votes cancel each other out. You stand in the window of the bakery for a long time, staring at the pie and doing nothing. Here conflict has led to inaction.
A mouse’s hunger governor will vote to approach a feeding bowl (the mouse is hungry and the bowl is full of food), while its pain governor votes to avoid the feeding bowl (which has been rigged to give the mouse painful electric shocks). If these two governors are about equally strong, the mouse might go half way out towards the bowl of food, and no further. When it gets closer, the fear governor becomes more powerful and pushes it back. When it gets further, the fear governor becomes weaker and the hunger governor pushes it forward. Here conflict has led to an intermediate state, half-measures.
Even when one governor is strong enough to win, there can be ongoing conflict. You pull the cookies out of the cupboard because you’re hungry. Shame makes you throw them in the trash. But once they’re in the trash, hunger is in control again. So you fish the cookies out of the trash. This is conflict where the state is countermeasures.
For a real-world example, here’s Henrik Karlsson describing his own experience of a minor conflict:
Our emotions and intuitions are littered with contradictions.
To take a simple example: when I was at the gallery where I worked until last week, my low blood sugar cravings sometimes told me that it was ok to take a pastry from the café. But when I want to feel like a upright person, I don’t believe in taking stuff that isn’t mine. So which is it? If I follow my gut and eat the pastry, I will be true to myself in the moment, while betraying other versions of me.
The experience of conflict is stress. Staring at the pie and doing nothing is a fairly stressful experience. Hovering between fear and hunger is stressful for the mouse. Throwing out the cookies over and over again is no better.
Unlike the errors generated by your governors, stress is not an emotion. It’s a different kind of experience that happens when two or more actions are in direct competition.
It’s easiest to become stressed when two drives are in direct conflict. You want to ask someone out, but you’re afraid of rejection. You want to eat a whole pizza, but you know your family will laugh at you if you do. Here, two drives hold each other in check, there’s tension.
But you can also become stressed when drives are merely in competition. You might want to both go out and see friends (because you are lonely) and stay in and go to sleep (because you are tired). These are both positive desires, but you can’t do both at once, they are mutually exclusive. If they’re both about equally strong, you will do nothing, neither go out nor sleep, and it will be stressful.
And you can become stressed when negative drives are in competition. A witness to an assault must choose between intervening (risking physical harm) or walking away (risking social condemnation as a coward). Both of these outcomes are things they would like to avoid, but they can’t avoid both. This is also stressful, and again, if they are equally matched the person will do nothing.
Stress is a really negative experience, for two reasons.
First of all, when they’re in conflict, governors are distracted from everything else. They commit all their resources to the fight, and clog up common parts of the system, like the voting channels, with constant bids for their concerns.
Second, governors in conflict are absolutely gunning it. When a governor pushes and the signal doesn’t change, what does it do? That’s right, it pushes harder! If it’s pushing against another governor, then that governor pushes back. They both push ten, twenty, fifty times harder. Soon they are both pushing absolutely as hard as they can.
This is an incredible waste. Whatever resources are involved in this contest will be burned through at an astounding rate, with the only result being a deadlock. But this is what you get when you’re in a double bind. For one governor to correct its error, the other governor must experience an increase in its error. There is no way for both systems to experience zero error at the same time.
This view of stress calls back to old theories like the approach-avoidance conflict, also sometimes called push/pull. Kurt Lewin, who was close with the early cyberneticists, was one of the people who argued for this approach.
“Conflict,” he wrote in his 1935 book, “is defined psychologically as the opposition of approximately equally strong field forces.” Kurt talks in slightly different terms, but the overall conclusion is the same. He offers this example: “The child faces something that has simultaneously both a positive and a negative valence. He wants, for example, to climb a tree, but is afraid.”
Kurt’s views were very influential back in the day, but psychologists don’t really focus on his models anymore. This might be because he insisted on explaining human motivation in terms of “psychical field forces” instead of drives, perhaps in an ill-fated attempt to try to make psychology sound more like physics. In fact, he explicitly rejected drives as “nothing more than the abstract selection of the features common to a group of acts that are of relatively frequent occurrence.”
Lewin’s Galileian Psychology
This model of stress has a surprising implication for self-control. You cannot alter your behavior by simply choosing to overcome the unwanted behavior.
There must be a drive already voting for that behavior, since the behavior exists. It must be controlling something. So to attempt to overcome a behavior can only lead to conflict.
You can avoid situations that would put your governors at odds with each other. You can set one governor against another, suppress your unwanted impulses by the force of shame or fear. All of these defense mechanisms and more will “work”. They will keep you from accidentally doing the unwanted behaviors, at the cost of more conflict. Or they will let you avoid the agony of conflict, at the cost of making your life smaller and smaller. But the only fully healthy solution is to find a way to reorganize things so that both governors can fulfill their purpose without conflict.
William Powers said it best:
The payment for a lifetime of “overcoming” one’s weaknesses, base desires, and forbidden habits is to spend one’s last years in a snarl of conflicts, one’s behavior restricted to that tiny part of the environment that leaves all conflicts quiescent, if any such place still remains. The rigidity of many elderly people is, I believe, the rigidity of almost total conflict, in which every move is made against massive inner resistance.
…
Indeed, self-control is commonly taught as part of raising children … Through social custom and the use of reward and punishment, therefore, we have perpetuated the teaching of self-control and have thus all but guaranteed that essentially everyone will reach adulthood suffering severe inner conflict. Self-control is a mistake because it pits one control system against another, to the detriment of both.
Anxiety
The word “anxiety” is only an abstraction. It groups together many things that seem similar, but may have different causes underneath. (See the prologue to learn more.)
But to take a stab at what all kinds of “anxiety” have in common, we could say that they all look like systems spending a huge amount of energy to make very little progress.
We see two general ways that might happen.
The first is chronic conflict, two or more governors locked in a deadlock for a long time, spending a huge amount of energy fighting each other and getting nowhere.
The second is oscillation, a system wildly swinging back and forth, spending a huge amount of energy correcting and re-correcting, instead of efficiently settling towards a target or equilibrium.
Chronic Conflict
When you’re consistently stressed for a long time, that seems like one kind of anxiety.
Sometimes governors are briefly in deadlock, like gazing at the pie through the window. Eventually you will get cold enough to walk away, or hungry enough to buy the pie, or something will distract you. So this conflict can’t last for very long.
But sometimes governors get locked, not just in conflict in the moment, but habitually in conflict all the time, so that you are constantly stressed. For many people, food is a source not only of stress but also of anxiety, because their feelings of shame will get into conflict with their desire to eat fat and sugar, not just one time, but over and over and over again.
In nature, stress tends to be limited to very brief experiences, where two drives happen to be perfectly balanced. These situations tend to be over pretty quickly. One of the drives will grow faster than the other, or the situation will change, and the conflict is resolved.
However, in a manufactured environment, it’s easy to produce anxiety-inducing situations by accident. For example, a lab animal that only feels safe in a dark tunnel, but whose water bottle has been placed in the brightly-lit center of the cage, will go through repeated experiences of stress as its fear grapples with its thirst. Or a dog that wants to protect its family, but whenever the dog barks at passers-by, the family yells at it. These animals will be anxious, because their drives are habitually in conflict.
Because of our notable collection of social emotions, humans seem to have the worst of this. Social emotions consistently come into conflict with the others. People want to yell at their boss out of anger but don’t want to suffer the social consequences of that outburst. They want to sleep with people they are socially forbidden to sleep with. They are terrified of something but are not able to act on their fear; like a student terrified of their teacher, or a professional driver terrified of getting in a crash. Our social norms around food seem practically designed to be anxiety-inducing; half of the things that a person might naturally be most excited to eat are considered “bad” or outright sinful. That’s a conflict right there.
It’s even possible this is the role social emotions serve in our psychology. Maybe social emotions are there to make us anxious. Humans are still by their nature angry, horny, violent, and so on. But our social emotions put some checks on these drives and may be the only thing that make it possible for us to work together over the long term. Social emotions are frequently called on to keep the other emotions in check, and stress is an unfortunate side-effect of this balance.
Hamlet was stressed because he has to both kill his uncle and not kill his uncle. He is presented over and over again with opportunities to kill or not kill his uncle, or at least to take steps in those directions. But he can’t do either, because the two drives are almost perfectly balanced. This is very stressful.
Antigone was bound to bury her brother Polynices, but Creon had decreed that Polynices was not to be buried or mourned, on pain of death. Orestes avenges his father Agamemnon by killing his mother Clytemnestra, honoring his filial duty to his father but violating his filial duty to his mother. This is the source of tragedy. The ancients had it right.
Let’s see one very interesting example.
When two governors have very similar amounts of votes — let’s say within 10 votes of each other — neither one can win, and you are in a state of conflict.
This causes a little bit of stress. But normally, one or the other of the options will soon get enough votes to beat that margin, or some new issue will come up that renders the decision moot.
However, sometimes for one reason or another, all the vote totals get turned down. This is one of the malfunctions we call “depression”.
This has a curious side-effect. Let’s say that normally you have a hard time deciding between staying at the party and going home. Your loneliness governor has 40 votes for “stay at the party” and your fatigue governor has 45 votes for “go home”.
Since these are within 10 votes of each other, neither can really win. This is uncomfortable and you feel a little stressed. Instead of really engaging, you hover at the edge of the party. But eventually one or the other governor gets a big enough error that it gets enough votes to beat the margin. Probably you get a bit more fatigued, until fatigue hits 51 votes, wins the margin, and you go home.
But when all your errors are turned way down, something strange happens. At the party, you now have fewer votes overall, which makes it harder to break this tie. If errors are turned down to 50%, then you have 20 votes for “stay at the party” instead of 40, and your fatigue governor has 22.5 votes for “go home” instead of 45.
Now to break the tie, your fatigue governor needs 7.5 more votes instead of 5, and each vote requires twice as much of an increase in fatigue. If errors are turned down to 10%, then you have only 4 votes for “stay at the party” and only 4.5 votes for “go home”! You will stay in deadlock for much longer, and it will be stressful the whole time.
Worse than that, you will end up in deadlock more often, over more issues. Normally it is easy to choose to shower (70 votes) before eating breakfast (50 votes). We’re not talking about deciding between the two, just the decision to finish the one before the other.
But if your vote totals are cut, you may find that this decision is suddenly 35 votes versus 25, just barely enough for the vote to resolve. If your votes are cut enough, you won’t be able to decide whether to shower first or eat breakfast first. You become indecisive about all kinds of things, even the smallest decisions.
This may explain why depression so often goes along with anxiety. When your vote totals are turned down, but the margin of votes by which an action has to win remains the same, you end up in a state of deadlock for much longer, and it will happen a lot more often. Since conflict makes you feel stress, you feel stressed all the time, over the kinds of decisions that would be simple or easily resolved before. That’s anxiety.
There are probably many things that can cause anxiety. But any kind of depression that gives you fewer votes overall is going to almost always lead in this unfortunate direction. This also suggests that other forms of depression, that don’t give you fewer votes overall, shouldn’t lead to more conflict and shouldn’t go along with anxiety.
Oscillation
The second way to waste a bunch of energy for no reason is when a system swings back and forth for a long time without settling.
One of the classic ways a control system can fail is that it goes into oscillation, wildly swinging back and forth, wasting a huge amount of energy instead of efficiently settling towards the set point and zero error.
In psychology, this is most obvious in tremors. Damage to the control systems responsible for motor function leads to overshooting and very obvious physical oscillations. In Cybernetics, Norbert Wiener described a few cases:
A patient comes into a neurological clinic. … offer him a cigarette, and he will swing his hand past it in trying to pick it up. This will be followed by an equally futile swing in the other direction, and this by still a third swing back, until his motion becomes nothing but a futile and violent oscillation. Give him a glass of water, and he will empty it in these swings before he is able to bring it to his mouth. What is the matter with him?
… His injury is … in the cerebellum, and he is suffering from what is known as a cerebellar tremor or purpose tremor. It seems likely that the cerebellum has some function of proportioning the muscular response to the proprioceptive input, and if this proportioning is disturbed, a tremor may be one of the results.
This isn’t a problem just with the brain, this is characteristic of all control systems. Weiner notes it as, “… a badly designed thermostat may send the temperature of the house into violent oscillations not unlike the motions of the man suffering from cerebellar tremor.” And in fact, all control systems can oscillate if they become unstable.
Tremors are oscillations in low-level control systems responsible for muscle movements. That’s why you can see them — your arm or leg is actually waving back and forth.
But oscillations might also happen at other levels of control. If systems oscillate at the level of behavior instead of at the level of arm/leg position, that might look like doing behaviors over and over again, or doing them and then undoing them. This would look kind of like compulsions, or like OCD.
If systems oscillate at the highest level, something like thought or intention, that might look like choosing one side of a decision, but then before acting, switching to the other side of the decision. The guy who decides to quit his job, then decides to stay at his job, 20 times per hour. This looks like a form of rumination.
This would kind of explain why OCD and ruminations seem connected. They may be basically the same kind of problem just in slightly different parts of the system. Or maybe OCD is a more extreme form of rumination, an oscillation that makes it all the way into behavior, instead of just oscillating “within thought”.
The difference between oscillations and conflict is that conflict is always a struggle between two or more governors, while oscillation can happen in just one governor alone, especially if it is damaged or otherwise improperly tuned.
Oscillation can happen for a few key reasons.
A governor with too much gain, that makes very aggressive corrections, can overshoot repeatedly instead of settling.
A governor with not enough damping can fail to slow down in time as it corrects its signal towards the target. Then it will overshoot, and have to bring the signal back. But then it may overshoot again.
If there is any delay in feedback, where the governor is getting outdated information, it might keep making adjustments that are no longer needed, leading to overshooting and continuous corrections.
Oscillation is common because control systems often involve a tradeoff between speed and stability. If you want a fast response, you risk instability; if you dampen too much, you risk sluggish behavior.
Without getting too much into the weeds, just like depression can be caused by damage or malfunctions in different parts of your governors and selector, anxiety can be caused by damage or malfunctions in different parts of the ways that your governors are tuned, like their gain or damping, or by similar problems like delay in feedback.
Oscillation can also happen between two governors. It’s easiest to see this with an example. Let’s say that Danny’s hot and cold governors both have a problem where they have too much gain. So when he’s a little bit too cold, he does too much to correct it. He puts on socks and a sweater and gets a hot mug of tea and starts a fire in the fireplace. What happens now? Well, he soon becomes too warm. So he opens the windows and douses the fire and puts a fan on himself and strips down to his underwear. What next? Of course, he gets too cold. So it’s time to get warm again. He will keep oscillating until distracted.
You may even sometimes get oscillation inside a conflict. When two fine-tuned governors want mutually exclusive things, they will usually fight, putting out their more and more effort until they both reach their maximum output, and settle at a midpoint that is the balance between those two maximums.
But if the governors are less well-tuned, they might oscillate. Danny’s fear and status governors are kind of deadlocked at work. He is afraid of his boss but he wants to crack jokes to impress his coworkers. A more “well-adjusted” man would be in a state of conflict. But Danny is poorly tuned. His status governor makes him crack a joke, and his fear governor is too slow to stop it from happening in time. His boss gives him a dirty look and Danny’s fear governor takes over. He shrinks down in his chair. But the fear subsides and soon he thinks of another joke. This is conflict, but it is also oscillation.
Fear of the Future
A final thing we notice is that anxiety is often about the future. This might also be a kind of oscillation.
Consider Molly, a college student. Her parents and her community expect her to be a huge professional success (no pressure, Molly). Her status governor knows that it’s really important that she get a job when she graduates. If she doesn’t, her status governor faces a huge error, and since it can predict this, it wants to prevent it. But she has just started her senior year, so it’s not time to look for a job yet. The best thing she can do is focus on her studies.
This can lead to a weird cycle that looks kind of like a form of oscillation. She starts thinking about having to get a job. Her status governor leaps into action, panics, looks around for a way to start making a difference, but finds that there’s nothing it can do. Then it shuts off. But this can happen 100 times in an afternoon, and there’s not much she can do. There are no steps she can take to get a job now. She just has to wait.
Because the governors are predictive, any promise of an extreme outcome can snipe you in this way. If your fear governor develops a fixation on car accidents, it might sometimes pipe up, “I predict we might get in a car accident. What can we do right now to make that less likely?” But you are in a work meeting, or at the grocery store. There’s nothing you can do at that moment to protect yourself from car crashes. But because the predicted error of a car crash is so huge (possibly death), your fear governor gets huge amounts of control over your attention and motivation when it makes this prediction. So for a while you are cowering in the cereal aisle, running through hypotheticals about dying in a 4-car pileup.
The ability to look at a hot stove, predict that it will burn you, and decide not to touch it, is a great adaptation. It’s why our governors are predictive — it’s great to be able to consider what will happen a few seconds in the future. But the human ability to look very far into the future is more of a mixed blessing. On the one hand, it means we can be motivated by things that may not happen for months. We can do long-term planning. But it also means we can be totally captured by far-off imaginary disasters (or imaginary blessings) that totally derail our ability to focus.
You can lie awake in bed asking yourself, “will I be ready for my biology test on Friday?” The best thing to do, of course, would be to go to sleep. But the fatigue governor is being shouted down by the status governor, which is endlessly worried about failing the test. And there’s nothing you can do to make it quiet down. It is 2AM, there’s no way to prevent future status errors now.
Even worse is when you are taking concrete steps towards an outcome but none of your perceptions change. This is probably why founding a startup is so stressful. You work every day on your product, but there’s often no obvious change in your chances of success for weeks or even months. If you can get some metric like “number of users” that is constantly growing, that will help. But if not, you just have to keep plugging away and hope that you really are the next Google, or at least that you will be able to exit.
Or why dating can be so stressful. You can go on apps, go to events, meet people, go on first dates. But most of the actions you take don’t get you any closer to what you are trying to achieve. Each time you either meet the person or you don’t.
This isn’t like most problems! When you are hungry, each apple or corn chip makes you slightly less hungry. When you are afraid, each step aways from the clown makes you slightly less afraid. But when you’re running a small business, most meetings cause no apparent change in your status or safety.
There’s a thermostat that regulates the temperature That might not be reliable That should be disconnected
— Thermostat, They Might Be Giants
Here are some mysteries about depression:
In most illnesses, the list of symptoms is hit or miss. Not every patient gets every symptom, or even every common symptom. If a common symptom of an illness is breaking out in hives, many people will break out in hives, but some people won’t.
Depression is much stranger. Like other diseases, you sometimes get symptoms and sometimes do not. But on top of that, you also sometimes get symptoms, and other times get their opposites.
One common symptom of depression is eating too little. Another common symptom of depression is eating too much.
One common symptom of depression is gaining weight. Another common symptom of depression is losing weight.
One common symptom of depression is insomnia, not being able to sleep. Another common symptom of depression is sleeping too much.
The most typical symptom of depression is feeling really bad. Except in other cases, when the most typical symptom of depression is feeling nothing at all.
There are other weird mysteries when we look at how depression is treated. Even though insomnia itself is a symptom, sleep deprivation often seems to treat depression. (In this context it’s sometimes called Wake Therapy.) This is effective in as many as 50% of cases, though the relief is usually only short-term.
You see symptoms and their opposites because many pairs of emotions cover two ends of a single variable. There’s one set of emotions that make sure you eat enough and another set that make sure you don’t eat too much. Since depression can interfere with either side of the scale, you sometimes get opposite symptoms. We have one set of emotions that make you go to sleep and another set that make you wake up. Since depression can interfere with either, some depressoids have insomnia, and others sleep through their alarm.
Though it’s not usually listed as an official symptom, we would also expect there to be some cases of depression where people end up overheating, and other cases where people end up getting much too cold. Just like for eating and sleeping, there are governors on both ends of the scale, and the governors that would normally take care of these errors are being interfered with.
Symptoms of depression like “loss of interest in sex” don’t have an opposite symptom because while there is a governor making sure that you’re interested in getting a certain amount of sex, there isn’t a corresponding governor making sure you’re not getting too much sex.
Sleep deprivation may be a treatment in some cases because as we’ve previously mentioned, happiness is created by producing and then correcting errors. That means that a very large error created by getting very sleepy might be big enough to register, even when something is wrong with the happiness machinery. If nothing else, it might shake things up enough that something will register.
We also think that close examination shows that depression is not just one disorder, it’s several different disorders. They share a surface-level similarity, but can be clearly divided into types.
The surface-level similarity that all different kinds of “depression” have in common is that they are all disorders where the person very rarely experiences happiness. This is why our culture formed the category “depression”, because we noticed that sometimes people had a persistent lack of happiness, even when they found themselves in situations that should normally make them happy.
But the systems that produce happiness are complex. There are many things that can go wrong, so there are many different kinds of “depression”. And besides the fact that they all present similarly — the person has a hard time experiencing normal happiness — different kinds of depression don’t always have very much else in common.
If we take a look at different ways this model can malfunction, we’ll see different outcomes that all look kind of like depression. But we’ll also notice that despite their basic similarity, most of these different problems have at least slightly different symptoms, so it may sometimes be possible to distinguish them by symptoms alone.
In fact, almost anything that goes wrong in the motivational system will cause something that looks like depression, which is probably why “depression” is so common. Our job is to look past these superficial similarities and try to figure out exactly what is malfunctioning, so we can have some hope of treating it.
Components
If you have two patients with very similar symptoms, you might be tempted to assume they have the same disease. But they might also be experiencing the same symptoms for totally different reasons. For example, a cough could be caused by a viral infection, bacterial infection, or a non-infectious condition like asthma or acid reflux. Or from accidentally inhaling your Dr. Pepper.
You want to give the antibiotics to the person with a cough from a bacterial infection, and the antivirals to the person with a cough from a viral infection, and you don’t want to mix them up. The underlying cause determines the appropriate medical approach, not the symptoms. If you don’t know what’s causing the problem, you can’t treat it.
Imagine you are working on an internal combustion engine. To work correctly, an engine requires both gas and a spark. The battery is fully charged, so you know you have the power needed to create a spark. When you turn the key, the engine turns over, but doesn’t start.
This could be caused by at least two problems. First of all, maybe no gas is getting into the cylinder. Second, maybe the spark plug doesn’t work.
Those sound like two different causes. But they are not, at least not quite. It’s true that we can narrow things down to these two different branches — it almost certainly has something to do with the gas or with the spark plug. But the real causes are much more complicated.
Maybe there’s no gas getting into the cylinder, but “no gas getting into the cylinder” could happen in a number of different ways. First of all, the vent to the gas tank is clogged, creating a vacuum that stops gas from being drawn into the line. Second, there might just not be any gas in the tank. Third, the gas filter could be clogged. Fourth, the gas pump could be broken; for example, there might be a hole in the diaphragm.
The spark plug is also made up of many smaller components. If any component fails, then there’s no spark.
Imagine there are 100 old cars. One misty, rainy morning, you discover that none of them start. This was a real issue back in the day — a big rainstorm one night, and in the morning, half the cars in town stop working.
You figure it must be the spark plug wires, moisture kills ’em. But replacing the spark plug wires only fixes some of the cars. You eventually find out that some of them actually got water in the gas instead, and need a different fix.
Same symptoms (old car doesn’t start), same distal cause (rain storm), but a different proximal cause. So we can have cases with the exact same symptoms (engine turns over but doesn’t start), with two possible diagnoses. And even within those two diagnoses, there are potentially dozens of causes, each requiring a different fix. Even if you figure out for sure that the problem is a lack of gas, you still don’t know if you need to replace the gas filter, or part of the gas pump.
Any system is made up of many smaller parts, all of which can break in several different ways, so you can usually get the exact same disorder as result of issues with different parts. A specific part of the chain is broken, but you can’t tell which one.
Ultimately, examining the symptoms that arise when different systems malfunction will be helpful for treatment. But it’s not law — systems can break for more than one reason. System malfunctions from two different causes may look just the same — from the outside, all you notice is that this system isn’t carrying out its function, but that doesn’t tell you how to fix it.
Malfunction: Too Much Success
Some people have such perfect control over their life that they never meaningfully get hungry, thirsty, tired, lonely, cold, etc. etc.
This sounds good, great even. But in fact the person ends up very depressed, for a simple reason. Nothing is actually wrong with this person, there’s no damage, it’s not even really a malfunction. But the fact that they almost never correct major errors means they very rarely produce any happiness.
This is the depression of the idle rich, which we mentioned before. It can be treated by intentionally creating errors and then correcting them. For example, you might intentionally get very tired and thirsty from running an ultramarathon, and then rest and rehydrate, which will grant nothing short of ecstasy. Or you might expose yourself to pain from some other extreme sport, then recover, and again reap the happiness. People often discover this treatment on their own, which is why the idle rich are often into certain kinds of (no judgment) self-destructive hobbies.
Sleep deprivation therapy seems like it would work pretty well for this kind of depression. It’s the same logic as extreme sports. Staying up all night and then going to sleep would be an almost euphoric experience that would provide you with some happiness, at least for a while.
As a bit of a tangent, something else that may explain some behavior of the rich is that there may be an emotion that drives us not only to maintain our current status, but to increase our status at some constant rate. In other words, there may be a governor whose target is the rate of change, or first derivative, in status.
For someone of normal status, this expresses itself as normal ambition. The average person can always become more important. But as you become higher and higher status, this becomes a problem, because the higher status you are, the harder it is to increase your status further.
Someone who reaches maximum status for their social group finds themselves in a bind. They still feel the drive to increase their status, but they are already top dog. A person might become CEO, or in an earlier age might become King, due to their drive to increase their status. And these people will usually be the ones with the strongest status governors, making their inability to increase their status any further especially painful for them. Those who reach the top are left with a hunger they can no longer feed. “When Alexander of Macedonia was 33, he cried salt tears because there were no more worlds to conquer.”
Kings like Alexander often tried to overcome this by establishing their divinity. This approach doesn’t work so well any more, but modern people sometimes handle it by realizing that while they cannot advance their status any further in their own field, they can still advance their status in new areas. This is how Bill Gates ends up advancing his status by becoming a philanthropist, or how Mark Zuckerberg advances his status by training in jiu jitsu. Both of them had already maxed out their status as tech guys, so to keep increasing in status, they had to find new kinds of status in new arenas.
It’s reasonable to ask if this kind of “depression” is actually a problem. Is it so bad to not be very happy, as long as all your needs are met? If you don’t understand what’s going on, you might be concerned that there’s something wrong with you. But if it’s this simple, and it’s just a side effect of all your needs being met, then is there anything to be concerned about?
We think there might be. First of all, while happiness isn’t everything, it’s nice to be happy, and it’s reasonable to think about ways you could be happier.
Second, we suspect that happiness regulates the balance between explore versus exploit. If that’s true, then we would expect that over time, people who are depressed pursue stranger and stranger strategies as they increase their tendency to explore new ideas, in an effort to find something that “works”. But this never brings them happiness, because the problem is internal.
If this is the case, then people who suffer from long-term depression, of any kind, should appear to act crazier and crazier over time, as they explore more and more unusual strategies.
Malfunction: Happiness not Generated
Under normal circumstances, correcting an error creates some amount of happiness. Somewhere in the system is a mechanism that registers when a correction has taken place, and creates a corresponding amount of happiness. The bigger the correction, the more happiness is created.
If something happens to this mechanism — the signal is turned down really low, part of it gets broken, the shipments of neurotransmitters it depends on never arrive — then you get a very characteristic form of depression.
This person experiences emotions as normal, generally behaves as normal, and has successful behavior. After all, their governors are all functioning exactly as normal, errors are getting corrected just like before. They are surviving, even thriving. But despite their successful behavior, they never feel happiness. They appear normal to casual observers, but describe themselves as “dead inside”.
This kind of experience comes out pretty clearly in patient descriptions, like this one reported by William James:
I have not a moment of comfort, and no human sensations. Surrounded by all that can render life happy and agreeable, still to me the faculty of enjoyment and of feeling is wanting — both have become physical impossibilities. In everything, even in the most tender caresses of my children, I find only bitterness. I cover them with kisses, but there is something between their lips and mine; and this horrid something is between me and all the enjoyments of life. My existence is incomplete. The functions and acts of ordinary life, it is true, still remain to me; but in every one of them there is something wanting — to wit, the feeling which is proper to them, and the pleasure which follows them…All this would be a small matter enough, but for its frightful result, which is that of the impossibility of any other kind of feeling and of any sort of enjoyment, although I experience a need and desire of them that render my life an incomprehensible torture.
If happiness is still generated, just at much lower rates than usual, you would get a less extreme version of this experience. Someone who generated 50% as much happiness as usual would feel a little down in the dumps, but not terrible. Someone who generated 10% as much happiness as usual would feel pretty depressed, but not quite entirely dead inside.
This is a good chance to give an example of what we meant when we were talking about how every system is made of many components, how the spark plugs can break in many ways. Even in this very simple model, many different problems will create the same kind of malfunction.
For example, maybe the mechanisms that actually generate happiness are working as intended, but the connections that transmit the correction signal to those mechanisms are malfunctioning. In this case, happiness isn’t generated, because the signal that should trigger happiness never reaches its destination:
Or, maybe the connection is working just fine, but the mechanisms that should generate the happiness are malfunctioning. So the signal arrives just as it should, but nothing is done in response:
While these are malfunctions in different parts of the system, a person with a malfunctioning correction-connection would behave almost exactly the same as a person with a malfunctioning happiness-generator. They would probably benefit from different treatments, since the cause of their depression is different, but they would be very hard to tell apart based on their symptoms.
And of course, this is one of the simplest possible models. In real life, there are more than just two components; there must be dozens.
Malfunction: Errors not Generated
Despite being responsible for different signals, your governors all run on basically the same architecture. If you want to think in terms of mechanical engineering, maybe they all share the same fuel, or the same lubricant, or they’re supplied by the same pump. If you think more in terms of programming, consider them as using many of the same functions, inheriting from the same class, or relying on the same set of libraries.
Since they’re all supplied by the same metaphorical pump, if something goes wrong with that pump, something can go wrong with all of the governors at once. If there’s a function that you use all over your program, and you accidentally comment out an important line in the function, everything that uses that function will be affected. Maybe every part of the program will be impacted the same way, but depending on how the function is used, maybe in different ways.
The most basic job of a governor is to compare the incoming signal to the set point and generate an error. If it does this correctly, its second job is to try to correct that error. But first it has to successfully generate the error.
So if this ability to correctly generate an error ever breaks, that’s a big deal. In a minor malfunction, error signals will still be generated as normal, but all error signals would be turned down, let’s say by 50%. In this case you’ll mostly behave as normal, but you will have to be twice as far out of alignment — get twice as cold, go twice as long without sleeping, etc. — before you take the same amount of action you normally would. And for a given level of actual distress, you will feel only about 50% as tired, hungry, thirsty, lonely, etc.
If this happens to you, you’ll also experience less happiness than normal. Your errors don’t grow as fast as normal, so when you correct your errors, they’ll tend to be unusually small. Eating a meal that would normally correct 10 points of hunger error and create 10 points of happiness will instead correct 5 points of hunger error and create 5 points of happiness. So you’re not joyless at 50% error, but your actions won’t bring the sense of satisfaction that they used to.
Of course, you could wait until you had a subjective experience of 10 hunger before eating a meal. Then you would get the same amount of happiness from correcting it. But if you do that, you will notice that you eat only half as often as usual, and you’ll still ultimately be getting less happiness over the long term, since you are correcting the same magnitude of error, but only half as often. You’ll also notice that you feel weak and brainfoggy, since you are only getting about half of your actual nutritional needs.
However, lots of people eat more by routine than by hunger. So most people would probably stick to their three-meals-a-day approach, through the normal drumbeat of social routine, or just out of habit. These people will eat as much as normal, but get half as much satisfaction.
If something more serious goes wrong, and all error signals are turned down to 10% instead, your motivation would become extremely sluggish, and you will generate much less happiness than usual. It will take you a lot longer to take action than it would otherwise, because it takes much longer for your error to reach a given level. This might be called procrastination.
Let’s simplify and say that hunger is driven entirely by blood sugar (not true, but this is for the sake of example). For a person whose error signals are turned down to 10%, their blood sugar will slowly drop lower and lower without causing an appreciable error. Without any error, it’s hard for them to have any motivation to eat, let alone cook.
Eventually blood sugar gets very low and the governor is finally generating the minimum amount of error needed to get over the gate’s threshold. This person still won’t be very motivated, and the hunger still won’t be very pressing. And if they do eat, it won’t make them very happy, because the correction is quite small. This person is trapped in a world of low motivation, very dulled emotions, difficulty telling whether they are hungry / thirsty / tired / etc., and little happiness.
In the extreme case, if your error-generating systems are so busted that almost all your errors are close to zero no matter how far out of alignment you are, things get pretty bad. This person barely experiences emotions, so almost no behavior happens. This is classic “can’t get out of bed” or “bedrot” depression — the person has hygiene problems and only eats, sleeps, or moves when extremely hungry/tired/etc. Since their error signals never get very big, there’s no opportunity to correct them, and this person experiences almost no happiness.
If errors actually become zero, the person is effectively immobile, in a sense almost comatose or paralyzed. This lines up pretty well with the symptoms of having a serious basal ganglia injury. Consider this case report from Treating Organic Abulia with Bromocriptine and Lisuride: Four Case Studies:
During the preceding three years he had become increasingly withdrawn and unspontaneous. In the month before admission he had deteriorated to the point where he was doubly incontinent, answered only yes or no questions, and would sit or stand unmoving if not prompted. He only ate with prompting, and would sometimes continue putting spoon to mouth, sometimes for as long as two minutes after his plate was empty. Similarly, he would flush the toilet repeatedly until asked to stop.
Antipsychotic drugs like haloperidol seem like they might be messing with the same system. If you take too much haloperidol, you’ll sit there and do nothing, possibly until you die.
Malfunction: Errors Generated Too Much
Earlier we used the analogy of a pump being damaged and working at only 50% capacity. The pump can also be damaged in a way that sends it into overdrive, where it careens along at 200% capacity.
If this happens, all your errors are twice as large as normal. You are more driven, and driven to do more things. You become wildly active. Since your errors are larger, correcting them makes you even happier. The most normal successes, like drinking a glass of water, create almost ecstatic happiness, and your mood soon goes off the charts. This sounds a lot like the high phases of manic depression / bipolar disorder.
The real question here is why manic depression is so common, but pure mania — mania just by itself — is so rare. People are pure depressed all the time, many people are bipolar, so why aren’t many people suffering from pure mania?
We certainly don’t know, but here are some rough hypotheses.
One very mechanical answer is that overdrive is simply unsustainable. A person can’t be manic all the time, because eventually they will run out of juice.
Consider that example with the pump. In this case, the pump that supplies all the different engines has malfunctioned and is running at 200%. The pump circulates oil drawn from a reservoir. Normally this reservoir re-fills with oil (perhaps as it’s filtered, or drawn from a larger reservoir) faster than the pump circulates it. But when the pump is rushing along at 200%, it drains the reservoir faster than it can be filled. So it empties the reservoir and triggers some kind of emergency stop, during which it can draw no oil at all. Eventually the reservoir refills and the stop is lifted, and the pump goes back into overdrive mode again.
In this explanation, bipolar disorder *is* pure mania. During your manic phases you overuse some kind of limited resource. When it runs out, you’re cast into the depressive phase caused by the lack of that resource. This lasts until the resource has built up back to some minimum level, at which point you start running at 200% again. But the real nature of the problem is disguised, because the human nervous system has checks and limits.
(A quick research check suggests that in bipolar disorder, manic phases last only days or weeks, while depressive phases last months. That’s a pretty interesting pattern, why aren’t they more symmetrical? Perhaps it is because the limited resource takes longer to regenerate than it does for the manic phase to burn through it.)
Another possibility is that bipolar disorder isn’t a malfunction in our motivational system, it’s a disorder in some other system that’s connected to motivation. Think about the circadian rhythm. This is a system that, roughly speaking, drives us to be active during the day and sleep during the night. If something were to happen to our circadian rhythm — if the daytime highs were dizzyingly high and the nighttime lows were crushingly low, if the cycle were an awkward 108 hours long instead of a nice 24 hours long — that might also look a lot like bipolar disorder.
Malfunction: Errors Reduced in Other Ways
One thing we’d like to explain is why you get the weird pattern of opposite symptoms in depression, where (for example) one person eats too much and another person eats too little. Most diseases don’t cause their own opposite symptoms.
This problem seems like it has something to do with the balance between governors that come in pairs and watch two ends of the same variable. In the undereating/overeating example, that would be the balance between the hunger governor (“make sure to eat enough”) and the satiety governor (“but don’t eat too much!”).
But if you turn down the errors on both of these governors equally, they should remain in perfect balance. So turning down all governors by a flat amount shouldn’t cause this kind of symptom, we shouldn’t see this weird pattern.
No actual problem is ever so clean. Let’s go back to our pump metaphor. We can say things like “everything is turned down by 40%”, but in practice if 10 different motors are all supplied with lubricant from the same pump, and that pump gets jammed and starts working at only 40% capacity, some of the motors will be worse off than others. Motors that are further away from the pump, and have longer tubes, will probably be worse off. Motors close to the pump will be better off. Some of the closer motors might even keep functioning as normal. At 40% capacity, clogs may form in the lines, but they will form in some lines and not in others.
The point is, in any kind of real nuts-and-bolts system, a 40% loss of capacity won’t lead to a performance drop of exactly 40% in all parts. Some parts will be more affected than others. So even if you take a general hit to something that supplies all your governors, it might still affect your hunger governor more than your satiety governor, leading you to undereat. It might sometimes turn governors down and other times turn them up, leading to either insomnia or sleeping too much.
But there are other ways to get this pattern too.
First of all, this could have something to do with the weights on the governors, what we think of as personality. We’ve been assuming that any change will be a percent of the original signal (if the original signal was 10, and there’s a flat reduction to 30%, the new signal will be 3), but if every governor is cut down by a flat amount instead, then the balance between the governors will end up somewhat different than it was before.
Let’s say two people have a malfunction with their error-generation systems, but instead of reducing all errors by 50%, this malfunction reduces the weights on all their governors by 0.6 across the board.
One guy has a starting hunger weight of 1.3 and a starting satiety weight of 0.8. After being reduced by 0.6, his new hunger weight is 0.7 and his new satiety weight is only 0.2. His drive to eat was always a bit more powerful than his drive to stop eating. But the relative strength of this relationship has changed enormously. Now, his satiety governor is barely active at all. He is definitely at risk of eating too much, the satiety signals just don’t come through like they are supposed to. So this guy gets one pattern of symptoms: overeating.
The other guy is the exact opposite, a starting hunger weight of 0.8 and a starting satiety weight of 1.3. After depression, his new hunger weight is 0.2 and his new satiety weight is 0.7. His drive to eat was never very powerful, but now it’s almost nonexistent. He will definitely end up with a different symptom: not eating enough. The hunger signals just don’t come through like they are supposed to.
If this is one way to become depressed, then the symptoms of this kind of depression, especially the asymmetric symptoms, will tend to be more extreme versions of someone’s normal personality traits. When they become depressed, someone who has always had some trouble falling asleep will get the symptom of insomnia — while someone who has always had some trouble waking up will get the symptom of oversleeping.
Finally, we’d like to note that everything in the world is at least a little bit random. If you have a general problem with the cybernetic governors in your brain, odds are that some of them will be more affected than others, for no particular reason.
For people with this kind of malfunction, since some of their emotions are functioning correctly, they can still sometimes correct their errors. When only some governors are affected, you will experience some happiness, though usually less than before, so this is often hard to diagnose as depression. If one governor is particularly knocked out, then it may be diagnosed as something else — like if your sleep governor is particularly suppressed, it might be diagnosed as insomnia.
Malfunctions in Voting and Gating
There’s some set of mechanisms that generate, transmit, and assign votes. Like anything else, these can break or get jammed.
Any malfunction that makes a person get fewer votes than normal will lead them to take less action. Any malfunction that makes someone get almost no votes will lead them to take almost no actions. This is basically the same as the malfunctions in error generation described above: the person will take fewer actions and generate less happiness than usual when they do.
A particularly interesting part of the selector is the gate. Remember that the gate has a threshold for a minimum amount of votes, and it suppresses votes for actions below this total to keep us from dithering or wasting resources. To use some arbitrary numbers for the sake of illustration, the gate might have a threshold of 5, meaning that when an action gets 5 votes or less, the gate clips that to zero, and the action gets effectively no support at all.
Any malfunction that raises someone’s gate threshold a bit will lead them to take fewer actions, because actions that would normally pass the threshold will no longer be able to clear it. Any malfunction that raises someone’s gate threshold a lot will lead them to take almost no actions, once the threshold is so high that almost no action can afford it.
Since action is needed to correct most of your errors, and correcting your errors is the source of happiness, if one of these malfunctions happens in your head, you will get less happy. Again, this looks like depression.
On the other hand, malfunctions that lower your gate threshold, so that actions can be performed even when they don’t get very many votes, will lead you to take more actions. In particular, you will have more of a bias towards action, because any small discomfort will more easily translate into doing something about it.
Malfunctions in these systems are a little hard to talk about, because they cause very similar behavior as the malfunctions in generating errors, described just above. In both cases, people will take less and less action, becoming sad and unmotivated. So they will be very hard to tell apart.
The most likely difference is subjective. When the mechanisms that generate errors are malfunctioning, you get weaker errors, or no errors at all. Since errors are emotions, these people feel no emotions — no hunger, no thirst, no pain, no loneliness, etc.
But with malfunctions in voting or in the gate, emotions / error signals are being generated as normal. It’s just that the governor never gets the votes it needs to correct them, or the votes can’t get through. These people experience all their emotions just as strong as ever, but cannot take action to correct them.
If the malfunction is severe enough, this would present a lot like bedrot — the person can’t get out of bed, they barely eat or sleep, etc. But subjectively it is very different. With bedrot caused by a malfunction where your governors can’t generate their normal error signals, you don’t do anything, but you also don’t feel anything. With bedrot caused by a malfunction in voting or gating, you still feel hungry, tired, thirsty, gross, etc. as much as ever, but you’re trapped and cannot bring yourself to take even the smallest action to help yourself.
Malfunctions in Pricing
A governor needs to be able to act on the world to succeed, but it also needs to be able to recognize success when success arrives. If you succeed and you don’t remember it, then you can’t benefit from the experience. So any kind of malfunction in the learning process can make behavior get very strange.
Consider what would happen if each experience were only recorded as a fraction of its true value. You go out with friends and find that this reduces loneliness by 10 points. But through some strange error, it is experienced or recorded as reducing loneliness by only 1 point. This gives you a very skewed view of whether or not you should go out with friends, when you are trying to decide what to do in the future.
If this happens across the board, then every action will gradually but consistently get underestimated. Over time, your governors learn to estimate all behaviors as being only 10% as effective as they really are.
This wouldn’t be such a big deal, except that all actions have costs. Forget about going out in the cold to see friends. It used to be 5 points of effort to drive to the bar, plus one point because the cold governor is always voting against it, but seeing your friends reduces loneliness by 10 points, so it was worth net 4 points on average. But now that “seeing friends” is estimated at only 1 point, it’s no longer calculated to be worth it! This guy will sit at home and feel bad, wanting to do something, but feeling like nothing is worth the effort.
In this kind of depression, you mistakenly believe that no action is worth the effort it would take, so you end up sad, because you choose not to do anything. This choice makes a certain internal sense — according to your best recordkeeping, choosing to do things isn’t worth it. From an outside perspective we know what is happening — your recordkeeping is all wrong! But it’s not obvious from the inside.
If you did take those actions, you would find that they create happiness as normal. Nothing is wrong with your ability to experience things. But you still wouldn’t learn from that experience, because there is something wrong with your memory.
Other malfunctions in the machinery of learning and memory would have similar effects. For example, if values were stored properly (“let’s write this down, eating a burger makes me 50 points less hungry”) but retrieved improperly (“hmmm, according to my notes a burger only corrects 5 points”), the effect would be almost the same.
Recap
Happiness is generated when one of your governors corrects an error, and the bigger the correction, the more happiness.
If you are too successful at keeping your errors in check, then the corrections you make will always be very small, so you will be generating very little happiness. This looks kind of like depression.
If something goes wrong with the mechanisms that generate happiness, then your governors will keep generating their errors and will keep correcting them, but these corrections will not create any happiness. This looks like depression.
If something goes wrong with your governors’ ability to generate their errors, so that all their errors are smaller than normal, then you will be more lethargic, have blunted emotions, and when these errors are corrected, the correction will create less happiness. This looks like depression.
If something goes wrong so that sometimes governors generate smaller errors and sometimes generate larger errors, then you will go through periods of intense activity with huge amounts of happiness, and periods of serious lethargy with almost no happiness to speak of. This looks like manic depression.
If something goes wrong with the systems that handle turning the errors into votes, counting the votes, weighing the vote totals, etc., then you will still feel those errors as normal emotions, but you will not be able to successfully take the actions needed to correct those errors. This looks like depression.
If something goes wrong with the systems that keep track of the effects of your actions, that learn or remember these values, so that all actions are remembered as less valuable than they really are, then bad things stop seeming as bad, good things stop seeming as good, and nothing seems worth doing relative to the cost of the effort required to do it, so you don’t do much at all. This looks like depression.
Reward and punishment is the lowest form of education.
— Zhuangzi
What is the value of a glass of water? Well, it has great value if you’re in the middle of the desert, but not much value at all on the shores of Lake Champlain.
What’s the value of the action, “put on a heavy down coat”? It has positive value if you find yourself in Saskatchewan on January 3rd, but negative value in the Arizona summer.
And what’s the value of taking an outdoor shower in cool water? This one has negative value in Saskatchewan and positive value in Phoenix.
Building a mind around notions of “value” quickly leads you into contradictions.
Let’s say we have a mouse in a cage. We’ve designed the cage to vary wildly in temperature, so by default, the mouse is uncomfortable.
But we’re not monsters. We’ve given the mouse some control over the temperature: two levers, a red one that raises the temperature a bit, and a blue one that lowers it. If the mouse can learn to operate this system, it will be able to maintain a reasonable temperature with little trouble.
How would a mouse do on this task, if God saw fit to grace it with a brain that runs on reward and punishment?
Well, let’s say that first the temperature got too high. The mouse tries the red lever. This makes things even hotter. Clearly the red lever is a punishment! The mouse assigns the red lever a value like [-1] or something. Next the mouse tries the blue lever. This makes the cage less hot. A reward! The blue lever gets a value like [+1].
Because it is rewarding, the mouse presses the blue lever until the cage is a comfortable temperature. Then what happens? That’s right, the mouse keeps pressing the lever! After all, the mouse is trying to seek rewards and avoid punishments, and the blue lever has always been rewarding in the past.
Soon the cage is too cold. Pressing the blue lever becomes a punishment [-1], since it only makes things colder. The mouse slowly updates the value of the blue lever until it reaches [0], at which point it stops pressing the lever.
Then what happens? Well, it doesn’t press the blue lever, because it has an expected value of [0]. And it doesn’t press the red lever either! After all, the red lever still has an expected value of [-1]. In all past experience, pressing the red lever always makes things “worse”.
This system of reward and punishment has left the mouse entirely confused. Its conclusion is that the blue lever has no value, and that the red lever is always a negative experience.
You can try to solve this with awkward kludges, but most of them don’t work. For example, you might have it so that the mouse learns separate values for the levers in separate environments, the idea being that it will learn that the blue lever is rewarding when it’s too warm, and punishing when it’s too cold. But then the mouse will have to learn thousands of different values for each action in thousands of different environments — a separate value for the blue lever when it is sunny, overcast, breezy, when the mouse is bored, when the lab techs are talking too loud, etc.
Worse, the mouse will have no ability to generalize. If it learns that the blue lever is “punishing” when the cage is cold, it won’t be able to apply this knowledge outside that immediate situation. It will not learn to press the blue lever when the cage is too hot, because it has reduced the experience to an abstract number.
Much easier for the mouse to learn what the blue lever does: it lowers the temperature of the cage, which the mouse experiences as a decline in body temperature.
Is this a reward or a punishment? Neither. What is the value of this action? It has none. Value is absurd. Pushing the blue lever has specific rather than general consequences. It is simply a thing the mouse can do, and the mouse learns how the things it can do affect the things that interest it.
The mouse is naturally endowed with systems interested in its body temperature: at least two governors, one dedicated to keeping it from being too hot, the other keeping it from being too cold. The governors pay attention to things that might knock the mouse’s body temperature away from its set points, and actions that can set the body temperature right again. So the governors are very interested in these levers, and quickly learn their uses.
Both the (keep-mouse-from-getting-too) cold governor and the (keep-mouse-from-getting-too) hot governor track the mouse’s body temperature, though they defend different set points. When the mouse pulls the blue lever, there is a change in the mouse’s body temperature. Since both governors control that variable, both of them learn that the action of pulling the blue lever reduces the mouse’s body temperature. When the mouse pulls the red lever, both governors learn that the action of pulling the red lever increases the mouse’s body temperature.
The governors gain the same information, but they use it in different ways. The cold governor knows to vote for pulling the red lever when the mouse is below its target temperature, and to vote against pulling the blue lever when that would drive the mouse below its target temperature. This is implicit in its design. The hot governor knows to vote for pulling the blue lever when the mouse is above its target temperature, and to vote against pulling the red lever when that would drive the mouse above its target temperature.
Each governor learns on its own, and keeps some kind of record of what actions increase or decrease the variables it cares about, and by how much. This is itself a complicated process, and we don’t mean to discount it. But governors clearly learn how actions change the world, not whether or not they are “valuable”. There is no reward and no punishment.
Some experiences are consistently “punishing”, like getting hit in the face by a 2×4. But this is incidental, it’s only because the pain governor has strong opinions about damage to the face — the opinion that this value should always be kept very close to zero. So the pain governor will always oppose such hardware-related incidents.
And in fact, even this is not always punishing. If you are born without a pain governor, or your pain governor is temporarily turned off (by drugs, for example), then getting hit in the face by a 2×4 is no longer “punishing”. More like a gentle romp.
And there is nothing at all that is always “rewarding”. Your first donut after a long day at work will be rewarding, but by the 10th donut you will start to find donuts “punishing”. By the 100th donut, anyone would find additional donuts excruciating (ok, almost anyone).
Even with that said, there are still a lot of open questions. It may be, for example, that governors learn more quickly when an action actually corrects their error, compared to when they observe it in a neutral situation.
Imagine it’s 20 °F outside and you go and stand near a campfire. Up to that point you were pretty cold, so your cold governor had a pretty big error. When you walk over to the campfire, your cold governor will be very interested — it will notice that standing near a campfire is a good way to warm up.
But what will your hot governor learn? Hopefully it will learn something. After all, standing near a campfire affects the variable it cares about, body temperature. It would be good for the hot governor to remember this, so it can avoid standing near campfires in the future when it’s hot out. But in this moment, the hot governor’s error is zero. So it’s possible that the hot governor doesn’t learn such a strong lesson about the effect of campfires as the cold governor did.
If some day it is 98 °F outside, and there’s a campfire, will the hot governor remember what it learned? At 98 °F, you are too hot, the hot governor has an error. Will it remember that standing near the campfire will increase your body temperature, and so will increase its error? Or will it have to learn that lesson all over again, because last time you encountered a campfire, it was sleeping, because it had no error.
Similarly, we don’t know if a governor will learn more when its error is bigger. But it seems plausible. If it is 78 °F and you go stand near a campfire, that will increase your hot governor’s error from small to medium, and it will remember that. But if it is 98 °F and you go stand near a campfire, that will increase your hot governor’s error from large to extra large! It seems possible that the hot governor will remember that even more, that increasing an error will be remembered more seriously when the error is already somewhat large.
The Part of the Book with Some Math
We probably won’t have to invent the exact rules that run inside a mouse’s head when it’s learning to manage all those levers. Our guess is that many of these algorithms have already been discovered, in past research on reinforcement learning.
A complete recap of reinforcement learning is beyond the scope of this book, but we can give you a rough sense, and suggest the few tweaks it might need to fit into our new paradigm.
There are many kinds of reinforcement learning algorithms, but the difference between them isn’t our current focus. For today we’ll use Q-learning as our example, a model-free algorithm that uses this update function:
Q-learning works by keeping track of the value of different actions A the agent can take in states S. The function Q(S, A) gives us the value of taking action A in state S.
This update function describes how the value representation of Q(S, A), the current estimate of the value of choosing action A in state S, changes in the light of new evidence.
The core of the equation is very simple. The new Q(S, A) is equal to the old Q(S, A) plus some change (for now ERROR) times a learning rate:
Q_new(S, A) = Q(S, A) + α [ERROR]
The learning rate α is a parameter between 0 and 1 that controls how much the Q-value is updated in each step. If the learning rate is higher, then more weight is given to new information and the mouse learns faster. But it might learn too much from the most recent example, and ignore past experience. If the learning rate is lower, then less weight is given to new information, the mouse learns slower, and updates are more conservative.
Hopefully that makes sense so far. You update the new value based on the old value, adjusting it by some amount, tuned by a parameter that controls whether the update is fast or slow. But what about this error? Let’s break it down.
R_t+1 is the immediate value the animal just experienced after taking action A in state S.
Next we see γ, which is the discount function. This is another parameter between 0 and 1, and this one controls how much future rewards are valued compared to immediate rewards. If γ is close to 1, the agent considers long-term rewards heavily; if close to 0, it focuses mainly on immediate rewards.
The next term, max_aQ(S_t+1,a), is a little trickier but not actually that bad. This looks ahead to the next step (t+1, where t stands for time), so the state we’ll be in next. Then it estimates the maximum value of the possible actions available at that state S_t+1. So this represents the agent’s best estimate of the value of future actions from the next state onward. This is important because if an action puts us in situations that lead to future rewards, we should learn that action is rewarding even if it doesn’t lead to a reward directly; it sets us up for success, which is nearly as good.
Finally, this is subtracted from the current estimate, Q(S, A), because what we want here is to know how far off is the current reward plus expected future rewards from the existing estimate of the value of this action.
Let’s take a few perverse examples that will make this equation transparent. To keep things simple, we’ll assume that the discount function is exactly 1.
Let’s start by considering a situation where we have already learned the correct value. The expected value of action A is 10, and we’ll see that that is perfectly correct. When we take action A in state S, we get a reward of 8, and that puts us in a new state S_t+1 with a maximum expected value of 2. This was all anticipated, so the existing value of Q(S, A) is 10:
NEW = 10 + α(8 + 2 – 10)
This gives:
NEW = 10 + α(0)
So we see that the weight of α doesn’t matter, because the error was zero, and anything multiplied by zero is zero. The organism was entirely correct in its expectations, so there will be no update at all. The reward from this action in this state (including anticipated future rewards) was 10, the old estimate was 10. The new value will be 10, the same as the old value.
But let’s say the estimate is off, and the mouse expected a value of 7 from the action A in state S. Then the function is:
NEW = 7 + α(8 + 2 – 7)
Now the learning rate matters. If the learning rate is 1, then the new estimate of this action in this state will be changed to the exact value of the most recent experience:
NEW = 7 + 1(8 + 2 – 7)
10 = 7 + 1(3)
But this is probably a mistake. It erases all the past experience. Maybe this was an unusually good time in state S to take action A, and we shouldn’t take this good outcome as representative. So instead we can use a more modest learning rate like 0.2:
NEW = 7 + 0.2(8 + 2 – 7)
7.6 = 7 + 0.2(3)
The only change by adding back in the discount rate is that the mouse doesn’t count the full value of the best possible future rewards. They’re only possible — a cheese in the hand and all that. Here’s the same situation with a discount rate of 0.9:
NEW = 7 + 0.2(8 + 0.9(2) – 7)
NEW = 7 + 0.2(8 + 1.8 – 7)
7.56 = 7 + 0.2(2.8)
In summary, Q-learning works by adjusting the Q-value of each action based on immediate rewards and estimated future rewards, gradually refining an estimate for the likely value of each action in each state.
It takes only a simple tweak to adapt this style of algorithm for cybernetics.
Reinforcement learning assumes that each agent has a single value function that it tries to maximize, and that all kinds of value are the same. In this perspective, 2 points from hot chocolate is the same as 2 points worth of high fives.
The cybernetic paradigm rejects that — abstract “rewards” don’t exist. Instead, governors track specific changes. So in this case, an algorithm like Q-learning is running inside each of the governors. The keep-mouse-from-getting-too cold governor is keeping track of what different actions in different states do to its error signal. The keep-mouse-from-getting-too hot governor is keeping track of what different actions in different states do to its error signal.
Each of the governors has its own ledger of the effect of different possible actions, and is keeping track of how each of these actions influences the signal(s) it cares about. Then all the governors get together and vote for their favorite action(s).
Recap
Building a mind around notions of “value” quickly leads you into contradictions.
Value is absurd. Behaviors have specific rather than general consequences.
We think the mind doesn’t represent “value” at all. Instead, governors track how actions affect their error signals. Governors clearly learn how actions change the world, not whether or not they are “valuable”. There is no reward and no punishment.
Human nature is not a machine to be built after a model, and set to do exactly the work prescribed for it, but a tree, which requires to grow and develop itself on all sides, according to the tendency of the inward forces which make it a living thing.
—John Stuart Mill
The cybernetic paradigm gives you a theory of personality for free.
There are lots of governors in your mind, and some governors are stronger than others. Other things being equal, a stronger governor has more influence over your actions than a weaker governor. It gets more votes and has more of a say when it comes time for your governors to decide what to do.
Someone with an unusually strong hunger governor will seek out food sooner and will spend more effort to get it than someone with an especially weak hunger governor.
Someone with an especially strong status governor will be especially sensitive to changes in their status, and will invest lots of time and effort into status games. Someone with an especially weak status governor will appear almost blind to status, and it will hardly ever influence their behavior.
This provides the cybernetic paradigm’s theory of personality. People differ in many ways, but a particularly important way they can differ is in the strength of each of their different governors/emotions. In the cybernetic paradigm, differences between people are differences between parameters like the setpoints, strength, and sensitivity of their different governors.
To say that one person is more extraverted than another is to say either that their setpoint for social interaction is higher, that they defend the setpoint more aggressively, or that they’re more sensitive to disturbances away from that setpoint. To say that someone is brazen is to suggest that their shame governor is weaker than normal. To say that they are humble says something about the governor that pays attention to status.
Let’s break this down a little further.
First: People can have different setpoints for the same governor. We don’t know what units danger is measured in, but if one person has a danger set point of 5 units and another person has a danger set point of 10 units, the first person will keep themselves much safer than the second person. They will avoid situations where they feel that danger is above 5 units, while the other person won’t be sensitive, won’t feel any fear, until the danger is much higher.
That said, we actually don’t think that most personality differences are differences in setpoints, because the setpoints we know about are pretty similar across different people. Most people defend very similar setpoints for body temperature (about 98.6 °F), very similar setpoints for plasma osmolality (about 280 mOsm/L), very similar setpoints for serum potassium (about 4 mmol/L).
But there are certainly some exceptions. People can defend very different body weights, making some people extremely lean and others extremely obese. And set points can change, so they’re sometimes different even within one person. A fever is a short-term change in the body temperature set point(s). Obesity is a long-term change in the body weight set point(s).
Finally, even if people do defend very similar setpoints across the board, there will always be small differences between their setpoints, which will lead to some differences in personality.
Second: People’s governors can be stronger or weaker when it comes time to negotiate with other governors. When two governors disagree, which one wins?
Mark’s anger governor is especially strong, and gets many more votes than the other governors. So when anger goes up against anything else, it almost always wins. Mark has anger-control issues.
Julie’s fatigue governor is especially weak, and gets many fewer votes than the other governors. So when fatigue goes up against anything else, it almost always loses. Julie often stays up until she is very tired, doing all sorts of activities until she practically collapses. She barely seems aware that she’s tired. Even when she lies down, she often has a very hard time falling asleep. If there’s anything else she has in mind, her fatigue is not strong enough to keep her from thinking of it, then getting up and doing it.
You can describe this in terms of each governor having a different weight, with a weight of 1 meaning average strength. If one of your governors has a weight of 1, then that drive is as strong for you as it is for the average person. Weights above 1 mean the governor is stronger than normal; weights below 1 mean it’s weaker.
If you are born with the weight on your fear governor set to 2, your experience of fear is twice as powerful as normal, it has something like twice the influence over your actions. This makes you very cowardly, since your fear becomes overpowering in situations that other people would find mildly concerning. After all, it has twice as many votes as usual!
If you are born with the weight on your fear governor set to 0.5, your experience of fear is half as powerful as normal, it gets half as many votes as it would normally. This makes you very brave. In situations that other people would find terrifying, your fear barely has enough votes to call a motion.
Third: People’s governors can be more or less sensitive to disturbances. By analogy, a thermostat might have a narrow or a wide acceptable range around the target temperature. Strict sensitivity would mean frequent corrections as soon as the temperature drifted even 0.1 °F away from the set point, while a looser control system would allow more drift before it reacts, with control not kicking in until it was 2-3 °F off target.
This is a natural tradeoff. Strict/aggressive control means you spend more energy, reacting even to small changes and adjusting constantly, but it also means you stay very close to the set point. Loose/sluggish control means you spend more time out of alignment but you also save a lot of energy on not making all these neurotic adjustments. Some things really do need to be kept right at the set point, but other things can be allowed to wander a bit.
We think these three kinds of differences are probably important. But just to show that this isn’t an exhaustive list, here are two more ways that people’s governors might be different.
For example, an important parameter in control systems is gain. A sluggish system applies weak corrections (low gain), meaning it takes longer to reach the target. An aggressive system cranks up corrections harder (high gain), leading to faster changes, but possibly overshooting.
So some governors respond to an error with a big correction all at once, while other governors respond to an error of the same size with many small, incremental corrections. This might look like a personality difference of overreacting or underreacting.
This isn’t the same as sensitivity to disturbances. For example, Julie has a cleanliness governor with low sensitivity and high gain. She lets her apartment get pretty dirty (because of the low sensitivity), but once it’s a certain level of mess, she cleans it all at once, back to a high level of cleanliness (high gain).
Mark also has a cleanliness governor with low sensitivity, but his has low gain. He also lets his apartment get pretty dirty (because of the low sensitivity), but once it’s a certain level of mess, he slowly cleans it bit by bit until it doesn’t bother him anymore (low gain).
A related idea is damping. Some thermostats have a built-in “wait time” after making a correction, which helps prevent the temperature from swinging wildly. If our governors have some kind of damping, this might also vary between people.
With a fear governor set to low damping, you would respond very quickly to danger, but might sometimes freak out over nothing. It might even look like an extreme flinch response. With a fear governor set to high damping, you would respond very slowly and deliberately to new threats — good in some situations, but very bad in others!
All these parameters can combine in some interesting ways. Consider two people who have unusual sugar-governors, but unusual in different ways. Alice has a normal sugar setpoint, but her sugar-governor is unusually strong. Bob has a normal weight on his sugar-governor, but an unusually high sugar setpoint.
Alice’s sugar-governor gets more votes than other people’s. Since it tends to have the votes it needs, from the outside this looks like making sweet foods a priority. She always eats her sweets first. But if you kept a close measure of how much sugar she’s eating, you’d see that it’s actually the same amount as the average person, because her set point is the same.
Bob’s sugar-governor gets the normal amount of votes, but aims for a higher setpoint. For a given level of desire, Bob doesn’t prioritize sugar more than other people. But if you keep track over the long term, he does consume more sugar to reach that higher set point.
The upshot is that there are at least as many personality dimensions as there are emotions, and each of these personality dimensions are linked to the “settings” of a particular emotion.
This theory comes from statistical analysis. When you have people rate themselves and others on a wide variety of adjectives, and then apply various statistical techniques, you usually end up with five clusters of adjectives. Over time people settled on a set of labels for those clusters: openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism.
It’s not hard to see how these might map on to various emotions. For example, extraversion is probably a rough measure of the strength of various social emotions.
But the Big Five has some problems as a theory. The first one is fundamental — the Big Five are an abstraction, not a model. We all have a casual sense of what it means to be neurotic, we know what kind of superficial behavior to expect from someone described with this word, but the theory doesn’t say anything about the mechanisms that cause someone to behave in a neurotic way. It caps out at being able to record that one measure is correlated with another measure. It can neither explain, nor in any meaningful way can it predict. (For more about these problems, see The Prologue.)
Rather short of a wiring diagram
In addition, the method psychologists used to come up with these five factors is limited.
The Big Five were discovered through a method called factor analysis, a statistical approach that searches for clusters of correlated variables and hypothesizes factors that might account for the patterns it finds. Psychologists collected large sets of descriptive adjectives like “friendly” and “bashful” and had people rate how well the adjectives applied to themselves or others. Then they used factor analysis to estimate how these ratings co-occurred. This usually gave a solution of five factors — five clusters of adjectives that tended to be highly correlated within the clusters.
But language doesn’t capture all of the true personality differences, or at least doesn’t capture all of them to the same degree.
There are some terms, like “salt tooth” and “sweet tooth”, which hint at recognition of the fact that in some people the salt-hunger governor is unusually strong, and in other people the sugar-hunger governor is unusually strong. But these terms aren’t as much a part of our language as dimensions like “does this person spend lots of time around other people” or “is this person reliable”, which come out into the factors of “extraversion” and “conscientiousness”.
This is for social-historical reasons — at the moment, our culture cares a lot about communicating whether or not a person is sociable and/or reliable, and cares very little about their preferences for sweet or salty foods. Compare this to how Ancient Greek and Latin both had lots of different words for different kinds of shields. In their culture, the kind of shield you used said a lot about where you fit in society, so they had terms to make these distinctions. But in our culture no one cares what kind of shield you use, so modern English does not.
Different times and cultures will have different priorities, and will want sets of words that help them describe variation in the drives they care about the most. There’s still variation in the drives they don’t care about as much, but since they don’t care about that variation, they won’t talk about it, so they won’t need any words for it.
The fear governor is real, and martial cultures of the past had many ways to talk about differences in how someone responds to fear. How you responded to fear was very relevant in these cultures, it came up a lot. But today we are safe most of the time and these differences rarely matter, so the words we’ve inherited from such times, like brave and cowardly, are too few to pull their own group in a factor analysis. (You could get more by adding archaic terms like dauntless, plucky, valiant, doughty, aweless, and orped, but these probably don’t go in the surveys.)
The Icelandic language, on the other hand, which has changed much less than English over the centuries, still retains several words for these concepts — huglaus, óframur, ragur, blauður, deigur, all these mean something like “fearful” or “cowardly”. And on the opposite side, Icelandic has about a dozen words for “brave”.
But even though English doesn’t give them dozens of adjectives apiece, emotions like cold, tiredness, needing to pee, etc. all have personality dimensions just the same. Some people are driven more by the need to keep warm, and some barely notice the cold. Some people are driven by their bed. For some people, when nature calls, you must answer.
The seven deadly sins are a bit judgy as a personality measure, but they had it a little better. Gluttony and sloth are clearly ways to talk about individual differences in things like hunger and tiredness. And lust is, if anything, one of the most notable personality dimensions. How could you possibly explain Aella’s personality without mentioning that she is much, much hornier than average? On the opposite side, having a weight on this governor near zero would lead to asexuality, so being asexual should also be understood as part of personality.
Individual Differences
There are also some differences that are not linked to the emotions and drives, that don’t reflect the settings on different governors.
For example, people can also be different in the parameters of motivation we described in Part II; like the gate threshold, i.e. the minimum number of votes to make an action happen. If you have a higher gate threshold, you are more likely to just sit there and less likely to do anything, every action needs a larger number of votes just to activate. If you have a lower gate threshold, you are constantly jumping around, every time an action gets any votes, you do it. Similarly, to say that someone is decisive is to imply something about the parameters of their selector, not their governors.
One underrated individual difference is being a night owl versus being a morning lark (sometimes called your chronotype). The dimension is related to sleep, but doesn’t seem like a parameter of the drive for sleep (probably?). Instead it’s a tendency or preference for when sleep will occur.
Some people are certainly more curious than others. But curiosity may not be an emotion, because it doesn’t seem to be satisfying a drive to send a signal to some specific target.
Another difference is taste preference. Certainly some tastes, like those for salt or fat, are nutritive, necessary for survival, and therefore probably controlled by a governor. But some taste preferences may not come from the drives, they may just be variation. Chunky and creamy peanut butter have almost exactly the same nutritional profile, but some people prefer one to the other. The same goes for preferences for smells — there is probably not a lavender-smell governor, but some people still like the smell of lavender more than others.
If these preferences really are preferences, and aren’t attached to drives, we’ll be able to tell because they will not be exhausted like drives are. Even someone who likes salt very much will eventually eat enough salty food and will stop eating it for a while. Their salt drive will send its error signal to zero and then be satisfied. But someone who likes the smell of lavender shouldn’t get satisfied by it in the same way, their preference should be mostly constant.
The reason for these differences is the same as for any kind of differences: diversity. It’s not just random chance; it is by design, because: bees.
How do the bees decide how many of them should be fanning? … There’s no communication, but as the ventilation gets worse in the hive, more and more bees start fanning their wings. How would you design bees to solve this problem? You don’t want every bee fanning their wings 24/7 or they’re wasting time, but a nice ratio of ‘bees fanning’ to ‘bees not fanning’ that adapts in order to hit your ventilation criteria.
When Huber examined the fanning problem, he came up with an elegant theory. He suggested that bees are differentially sensitive to noxious smells. So as the noxious smells get worse, the sensitivity threshold of more and more bees is reached, and more of them begin fanning until ultimately the entire hive is fanning.
If everyone in your village has the same set point for danger, then as danger increases, for a long time no one takes any precautions, and then at some point everyone flips over and starts fortifying the town all at once. This is kind of a nuts way to do things.
It’s better to have some diversity. If there’s only a little danger, a small number of villagers are stockpiling food and reinforcing the town walls. As the danger increases, more and more villagers attend to the safety of the town. This is actually its own form of control system.
The same thing goes for preferences. If everyone in your band of hunter-gatherers falls asleep exactly at dusk and rises at dawn, then you are all defenseless at the same time. But if some of you are morning larks and some of you are night owls, then someone is always awake to tend the fire and watch for saber-toothed tigers.
Now apply the same reasoning to taste and smell. If everyone in your town has identical tastes, then they will all eat pretty much the same food; if that food becomes rotten, everyone gets sick at once. Better to have variation in food preferences so you’re eating different things. Then if some food goes bad, only some of you get sick. Avoid a single point of failure.
To sum up, differences in the strength of different governors are a major part of personality, though not the only part. There are also various other individual differences, including simple preferences.
Sex Differences
Academic psychologists claim they can’t find any clear mental differences between the sexes (mostly; for the nuanced version of things, see here). But here’s one: the huge and obvious differences in the desire to play certain kinds of video games.
About half of gamers are women. But a few genres are overwhelmingly played by men. In particular, men are much more interested in tactical shooters like ARMA 3, and in grand strategy paint-the-map games like Europa Universalis. These games are about violent competition and domination, so this pattern may point to the existence of something like a “need to dominate” emotion.
Looking closer, the experience of shooters and strategy games are quite different, suggesting that there might actually be two separate dominance-related emotions that tend to be much stronger in men than in women. Let’s consider these drives one at a time.
The experience of a tactical shooter is shooting people in the head; it’s about as close as you can get these days to crushing your enemies, seeing them driven before you, and hearing the lamentations of their women. You may be wondering whether people really have a drive for such a thing, especially if you don’t play tactical shooters. But there’s good evidence that many people do. As one example, the subreddit r/CombatFootage (TAKE CARE IN CLICKING, CONTAINS DISTURBING COMBAT FOOTAGE) has 1.7 million members. Top videos on the subreddit get thousands of likes and hundreds of comments. For comparison, r/vegan also has 1.7 million members. Some people really want to see this stuff.
In contrast, grand strategy games are abstract and bloodless, lovingly referred to as spreadsheet simulators. These don’t seem like they could be about personal, physical domination, since they don’t even simulate that. But they’re not pacifistic — they do a very good job simulating the experience of forcing other societies to make concessions, become your vassals, and so on.
Between the two genres, there’s plausibly one dominance emotion about personally thrashing your enemies, and another dominance emotion about being in charge of organizing the logistics of thrashing — something like social domination, or having your group dominate other groups.
Paradox games!
We see something similar in the list of words known better by males than by females, and vice versa. Men are much more likely to know words like howitzer, katana, and bushido (not just military terms, but historical military terms) while women are much more likely to know words like peplum, chignon, and damask (fabric and hairdressing terms). The authors of this paper characterize the result as, “gender differences in interests (games, weapons, and technical matters for males; food, clothing, and flowers for females)”.
even more spreadsheets
The list suggests that on average men tend to have stronger dominance emotions and women tend to have stronger decorative emotions, or perhaps hygienic emotions (in the sense that being properly dressed is hygiene).
We are of course talking about average differences. There are plenty of women with strong dominance emotions, and plenty of men with strong decorative emotions. (And women may in fact have higher tuning on a different set of dominance emotions.) But on average there seems to be some difference.
We don’t care about the cause — differences could be the result of socialization, of nature, or both. Or something else. But there do seem to be average personality differences between the sexes, which make perfect sense when you think of personality as differences in the strength of different governors.
It’s also worth considering if sex differences we think of as physiological might actually be psychological. Women typically feel colder than men — this might be biological, something to do with their body size or metabolic rate. But it could also be psychological, something to do with the set point or strength of their cold governor.
Psychiatry
Like most biological attributes, the strength of our governors probably falls on a normal distribution. The majority of people will have a fairly usual weight on each governor. But in rare cases, weights will be set incredibly high or incredibly low.
Since we have no idea what the units are for “strength of a governor”, as before we will just say that 1 is the population average. Having a weight of 0.5 on a drive means it is half the strength of the population average, and having a weight of 2 on a drive means it is twice the strength of the population average.
If you set the weight on a governor to 0, we call this a “knockout”. It’s functionally equivalent to not having that drive at all, because when the weight on a governor is 0, the governor gets no votes.
For example, take Alex Honnold, sometimes called “the World’s Greatest Solo Climber”. Alex enjoys climbing sheer cliffs without a rope, an experience so terrifying that many people can’t even stand to watch the videos. When neuroscientists put Honnold through an fMRI and showed him terrifying and gruesome pictures, they found that his brain is intact — he does have an amygdala — but he has almost no fear response.
Whatever the exact biological issue might be — whether he was born that way, or if he’s somehow turned down the fear governor through training and exposure — Honnold appears to be someone with a fear knockout. The weight on his fear governor is set very close to zero.
In cybernetic psychology, a lot of psychiatric conditions look, in a literal sense, like personality disorders. Personality is largely made up of differences in the weights on a person’s various governors. Personality disorders occur when some of those weights are not merely different, but set extremely low or extremely high.
Consider fear. Most people are somewhat concerned about things some of the time. They have a weight on their fear governor around 1. If you set the weight on “fear” to 10, they will instead be very concerned about things lots of the time. That looks a lot like paranoia.
This is a good spot to point out that a cybernetic system has multiple parts and can be broken in many ways. Let’s take the fear governor as an example.
You can break the input function, so it perceives danger as being higher than it otherwise would. This will cause paranoia. You can change the fear governor’s set point to a very low level of danger, so it reacts to even very small amounts of danger. This will cause paranoia. You can damage the output function, so that it thinks that large interventions are appropriate for small amounts of danger. This will cause paranoia. Or you can change how many votes the fear governor gets in the parliament of the mind. Again, this will cause paranoia.
These changes may present slightly differently, but notice how even though these are four different problems with the fear governor, you end up seeing basically the same behavior in every case. Among other things, this makes diagnosis and treatment quite tricky. You have at least four disorders, with categorically different causes, yet nearly identical presentation.
This also offers a plausible model for conditions like autism and psychopathy. Both appear to be congenital abnormalities in various emotions — conditions that happen when you are born with a couple of your emotions unusually strong or weak.
“Autism” seems to be a label that we apply to people who have very low weights, or complete knockouts, on some of their social emotions.
“Psychopathy” seems to be a label that we apply to people who have very low weights or knockouts on a different set of social emotions, especially when combined with high weights on emotions like anger or need for dominance.
As you can tell from our hedging, we suspect these categories are poorly-formed. There probably isn’t “a disorder” that can be identified with autism. It’s just a word, an abstraction that we use to refer to various personality types that are similar in the sense that they have low weights on certain social emotions. (See the Prologue for more on this.)
Autism and psychopathy are often framed as deficiencies, but you can also see them as deficiencies in some things combined with superabundances in other things.
We tend to call people “psychopaths” not when they merely lack in fear or compassion, but when a lack of fear or compassion are combined with unusually strong drives for status and dominance.
People tend to be considered autistic not when they merely lack a drive for status, but when this is combined with unusually strong interest in social rules and an unusually strong drive for compassion. People get confused about this. You often hear things like, “people who are autistic don’t understand social conventions”. But actual people who are autistic seem to believe things like, “if you eat a non-prime number of chicken nuggets you’re breaking the rules”.
It’s not clear if these are specific “disorders”, or just the extremes of normal personality variation. Some people have stronger social emotions than others. When the weights on your social emotions are 0.7, nobody cares, you just seem kind of introverted. But when some of your weights are 0.5 or lower, maybe they start calling you autistic.
Same thing for psychopathy. The lower your social weights are, and the higher your aggression and dominance weights, the more likely people are to call you a psychopath. But there’s not a bright line. It’s more like height than blood type. Type O and type AB blood are categorically different, but there’s no objective point at which you become “tall” or “short”, those are relative.
Recap
People differ in many ways, but a particularly important way they can differ is in the strength of each of their different governors/emotions. In the cybernetic paradigm, personality is the result of differences between parameters like the setpoints, strength, and sensitivity of different governors.
People can have different setpoints for the same governor.
People’s governors can be stronger or weaker when it comes time to negotiate with other governors. When two governors disagree, which one wins?
People’s governors can be more or less sensitive to disturbances.
People’s governors can have different amounts of gain, applying weak corrections or strong corrections.
People’s governors can have different amounts of damping.
The Big Five are an abstraction, not a model.
The Big Five were discovered through a method called factor analysis, a statistical approach that searches for clusters of correlated variables and hypothesizes factors that might account for the patterns it finds.
Psychologists collected large sets of descriptive adjectives like “friendly” and “bashful” and had people rate how well the adjectives applied to themselves or others. Then they used factor analysis to estimate how these ratings co-occurred. This usually gave a solution of five factors.
But language doesn’t capture all personality differences, or at least doesn’t capture all of them to the same degree.
There are also some individual differences that are not linked to the emotions and drives, like your chronotype or your taste preferences.
The reason to have personality differences is the same as for any kind of differences: diversity.
It’s better to have diversity. If there’s only a little danger, a small number of villagers are stockpiling food and reinforcing the town walls. As the danger increases, more and more villagers attend to the safety of the town.
Remember: bees!
There appear to be large sex differences in the strength of some of the governors.
Many psychiatric conditions are probably personality disorders, the result of the weights on a person’s various governors being set extremely low or extremely high.
Inland Empire: What if *you* only appear as a large singular body, but are actually a congregation of tiny organisms working in unison?
Physical Instrument: Get out of here, dreamer! Don’t you think we’d know about it?
— Disco Elysium
When you’re hungry, you eat a sandwich. When you feel kind of gross, you take a shower. When you’re lonely, you hang out with friends.
But what about when you want to do all these things and more? Well, you have to pick. You have many different drives, but only one body. If you try to eat a hamburger, kiss a pretty girl, and sing a comic opera at the same time, there will be a traffic jam in the mouth. You will suffocate, or at least you will greatly embarrass yourself. Only a true libertine can eat a sandwich in the shower while hanging out with friends.
To handle this, you need some kind of system for motivation.
For starters, consider this passage from Stephan Guyenet’s The Hungry Brain:
How does the lamprey decide what to do? Within the lamprey basal ganglia lies a key structure called the striatum, which is the portion of the basal ganglia that receives most of the incoming signals from other parts of the brain. The striatum receives “bids” from other brain regions, each of which represents a specific action. A little piece of the lamprey’s brain is whispering “mate” to the striatum, while another piece is shouting “flee the predator” and so on. It would be a very bad idea for these movements to occur simultaneously – because a lamprey can’t do all of them at the same time – so to prevent simultaneous activation of many different movements, all these regions are held in check by powerful inhibitory connections from the basal ganglia. This means that the basal ganglia keep all behaviors in “off” mode by default. Only once a specific action’s bid has been selected do the basal ganglia turn off this inhibitory control, allowing the behavior to occur. You can think of the basal ganglia as a bouncer that chooses which behavior gets access to the muscles and turns away the rest. This fulfills the first key property of a selector: it must be able to pick one option and allow it access to the muscles.
The human mind, and the minds of most vertebrates, operates in essentially the same way.
Motivation and action are determined by the collective deliberation of multiple governors. Each governor is one of the control systems described in Part I — some governors for thirst, some for pain, some for fear, and so on. They come together and submit bids for different actions and vote on which action to take next.
Inside Out, Disco Elysium, Internal Family Systems, The Sims, etc. — we have a deep intuition that behavior is the result of a negotiation between inner forces that want different things. This keeps manifesting in pop culture, but academic psychology has mostly missed it.
The technical term for this problem is selection, so we’ll refer to this system as the selector. In a physical sense this process probably happens in the basal ganglia, but we’ll let someone else worry about the neuroscience. For now we just want to talk about the psychology.
We can’t say exactly how the selector works, there are too many mysteries, lots more work to be done, a lot of possible lines of research. But here’s some speculation about how we think it might work, which will sketch out some of the open questions.
Governors cast votes based on the strength of their error signal. The stronger the error, the more votes it gets. When you’re not at all thirsty, the thirst governor gets basically no votes, because it doesn’t need them. Other priorities are more important. But if you are very thirsty, the thirst governor gets lots of votes (or if you prefer, one very strong vote). If you are starving, your hunger governor gets plenty of votes so it can drive you to eat and become less hungry.
Governors vote for behaviors that they expect will decrease their errors. The thirst governor votes for actions like “find water” and “drink water”. Later, the have-to-pee governor votes for actions like, “find a bathroom”. The pain governor votes for things like “stop picking a fight with the lions, get the hell out of the lion enclosure.”
Governors can also vote against behaviors that would increase their errors. It’s clear that the pain governor can vote against touching a hot stove, even if pain is currently at zero. You don’t have to wait until you burn your hand for your pain governor to realize this will be a bad idea.
This is because governors are predictive. If something is hurting you, the pain governor will vote for you to stop doing that, to avoid the thing that is causing you pain, to withdraw. But you don’t have to be in pain for the pain governor to influence your actions. As behaviors come up for a vote, the pain governor looks at each of them and tries to predict if they will increase its error, that is, if they will cause you pain. If it thinks some behavior will increase its error, the pain governor votes against that behavior.
So we see that governors don’t only get votes based on their current error signals — they also have the power to vote against behaviors they anticipate will increase their error. Maybe governors cast votes not based on the current strength of their error signal, but based on the predicted change in their error if the action were to be carried out. In this way when hunger is high, the hunger governor gets votes for “eat ham sandwich” because this is predicted to correct the error. And even when pain is zero, the pain governor still gets votes against “touch the electric fence” because touching the fence is predicted to increase its error. This would also fit most observed behavior.
Wherever votes come from, the governors need to allocate their votes, so there’s some procedure for this as well. One simple way to do things is for governors to propose behaviors and submit bids on those behaviors to the selector, and the strongest bid wins. If this is how it works, then each governor is supporting only one behavior at a given time.
This seems unlikely. We think it’s more likely that governors support many possible behaviors at once — just like how legislators in a real congress support many possible policies at once.
Actions that happen all the time are so common because they are popular with lots of governors. For example, the “eat a hamburger” action captures the votes of basically the whole hunger voting bloc — salt-hunger, fat-hunger, calorie-hunger, et cetera. Many different hungers will vote for this hamburger. No one dares to vote against the hamburger policy, except maybe the shame governor, if you’ve been taught that hamburgers are sinful or something.
It’s also not clear whether votes are conserved. If the hunger governor has 100 votes and you give it 50 options, can it only give each option 2 votes? Is this why no one can agree what they want for dinner? Or can it put all 100 votes towards every option that it likes?
Functions
Some governors may get more votes than others. You can imagine why the governor in charge of keeping you breathing might get extra votes — it has a very important job and it can’t wait to build a coalition. The same thing goes for governors like fear and pain. When you’re in serious danger, they always have the votes they need.
Our assumption so far is that the relationship between error signal and votes is linear. But certain governors, controlling things that are critical to your survival, may get more votes for the same amount of error signal — there may be different curves. This is how The Sims did it. If this is the case, it should be possible to discover the formula for votes as a function of error for each governor.
On the other hand, maybe the more critical governors just have stronger error signals than less-important governors. In any case, we should notice that things like suffocation and pain tend to get the votes they need, however that works out under the hood.
However votes are determined, the outcome is simple. Whatever action gets the most votes is the action you take next, assuming the action wins by a large enough margin.
This is not exactly a winner-take-all system. You can sometimes do more than one thing at once, the selector does try to account for multitasking — you can chew and drive at the same time, since your mouth and hands are not deadlocked. But you cannot e.g. both pee and stay in your clean, dry bed. Someone is going to have to win that vote.
Threshold
An organism that can’t sit still and keeps doing stuff, even when it doesn’t need to, is wasting resources for no reason and putting itself in danger. Sometimes organisms do nothing at all, so our model of the selector needs to account for that.
We think it does that through a mechanism that recognizes votes below a certain threshold and reduces them to zero. In audio engineering, this is called a gate. An audio gate stops sounds below a certain volume from passing through, which is good for cutting out background noise and static. For more information, watch this Vox explainer or listen to some Phil Collins.
You Know What I Mean
In the mental selector, the gate stops votes that are below some minimum threshold. If you are a tiny bit hungry, you shouldn’t bother leaving the house to get a meal, even if there is nothing better to do. Don’t go out and see people if you are only a tiny bit lonely.
An organism without a gate, or with a broken gate, will eat as soon as it is a tiny bit hungry, leave the house as soon as it is even a tiny bit lonely. It will constantly put on and take off its sweater to try to maintain a precise target temperature. But this is clearly not a good use of time or energy. Better to wait until you’re actually some minimum amount of hungry or lonely, before taking steps to correct things.
The gate may act on governors directly, preventing governors with very small error signals from voting at all. When you’re not in any danger, who cares what the fear governor thinks?
Or it could be that the gate acts on behaviors, and behaviors that get below some fixed number of votes are treated like they got zero votes instead. If no action gets a number of votes above the threshold, then no behavior occurs.
Also, it seems like an action only happens as long as it beats the next-highest action by a certain number of votes. It’s not clear whether it needs to win by a certain number of votes (“action with the most votes happens as long as it has more than 20 more votes than the action with the second-most votes”) or by some kind of fraction (“action with the most votes happens as long as the action with the second-most votes has no more than 90% its count”), or if this is even a meaningful question given how our motivation system is designed. The important thing is that if “drink coffee” gets 151 votes and “run to catch the bus” gets 152 votes, you will stand there looking like an idiot and miss your bus. (cf. Buridan’s ass)
So far we’ve been assuming that governors are the only things that drive behavior, the only things that ever get votes in the selector. But there may be exceptions.
Curiosity is an unusual case, kind of an enigma. It might be an emotion, but it’s a bit strange. It might be something else, some other kind of signal.
Like an emotion, curiosity seems to be able to drive behavior. We’ve all done things simply because we were curious. This suggests it might, like the other emotions, be the error signal of some kind of governor. And it seems to be able to compete with the other governors, because curiosity often wins out over concerns like sleep or even sex.
But in other ways, curiosity does not look like the other emotions. Unlike hunger or fear, it’s not obviously an error signal from a drive that keeps us alive. It’s not obviously connected to immediate survival in the way the other emotions are. A person who doesn’t sleep or breathe dies. A person who doesn’t feel shame is ostracized, and (in nature) soon dies. But a person who doesn’t act on their curiosity is just frustrated.
And unlike the other emotions, curiosity doesn’t seem to be easily satisfied. Acting on your fear should make you less afraid, acting on your thirst should make you less thirsty, but acting on your curiosity often seems to make you more curious.
We do have one suggestion of how curiosity might work. Let’s return to the idea that emotions are predictive. The fear governor not only knows that escaping the basement will reduce its error, it can also predict beforehand that entering the basement will increase its error. In general, governors have a model of the world which they use to predict how different behaviors will influence their errors.
Unlike the governors, which vote for behaviors that they predict will correct their errors, curiosity is a special drive that votes for behaviors the emotions have a hard time predicting. Actions can be ranked by how certain the governors are about their consequences. Curiosity, the most perverse, votes for actions that the other governors rate as having the greatest uncertainty.
This helps us learn about actions that the governors might otherwise ignore. It’s another way to encourage exploration. If you only act in response to emotions, then you lose the opportunity to learn about things that might be really important later. It’s a better long-term strategy to use your extra energy to try things that are probably safe, but where you aren’t sure what will happen. (See this paper for more on this kind of model.)
You know who loves doing this? Toddlers. Toddlers love doing this. It may not be that children are more curious than adults, but simply that adults have learned more about the consequences of their actions and have fewer of these very uncertain behaviors to explore.
Self-Control
One of the mysteries of motivation is that sometimes, you want to do something and it’s super easy to do. Why is it sometimes easy to do things?
The answer is simple. When a behavior gets votes from a governor, it’s easy to do. Outside of clinical depression, you don’t have to drag yourself to a delicious meal, or to hear the new hot gossip. Popular emotions are throwing all their votes behind these actions, they are going to become policy.
Behaviors that don’t have a governor behind them are hard to do. Evolution didn’t include a governor for “write your term paper”, so this project tends to go pretty slowly, especially if it’s in competition with behaviors that do have governors voting for them, like “hang out with your friends”. Sometimes the term paper never happens.
The same thing goes for the big-picture aspirations people so often struggle with. Intellectually you might want to become a famous author, or learn Japanese, or memorize pi to 100 digits. But the sad truth is that no governor is willing to support these ideas. You just don’t have the votes.
Things that can’t get votes from a governor only get votes from your executive function. Executive function must not have many votes to spend, because these actions tend to be very difficult.
Even if you can temporarily scrape together the votes for one of these actions, you have to hold your coalition together. This usually fails. You will inevitably get distracted once any of the other governors gets a large enough error signal to vote for something else, like getting a snack. This is why you are always looking in the fridge instead of studying.
Wait, how did I get here?
One workaround is to convince a governor to vote for these actions. If you get a lot of praise and status at school for doing well on your math test, social governors that are concerned with status will be willing to vote for math-related activities in the future, because they realize that it’s good for their bottom line. Or if there’s a pretty girl in your Japanese class, you may find that it becomes easier for you to work on your presentation, in an effort to impress her. No points for guessing which governor is voting for this!
This is probably why people seem to find over and over again that money is not very motivating.
Money is motivating when it can directly address your needs. If you are starving, the connection between $5 and a block of cheese is pretty clear. As a result, the hunger governor will vote for things that get you $5.
But in a modern economy, most people’s remaining needs cannot be easily met by more money. They already have enough money to get all the food, warmth, sleep, and so on that they need. The only drives they have problems satisfying are the drives where, for one reason, there isn’t or can’t be a normal market.
Social factors like friendship or a feeling of importance are often left unsatisfied, but these are hard to trade directly for money. You can’t buy these things for any amount, or at least, there are no effective markets in these “goods”. So money is no longer very motivating for people who need these things. Their active governors, the ones with big errors, the ones that get the votes, understand that more money won’t solve their problems, so they don’t vote for actions that would get you more money.
As we hinted at above, we might assume that there is also an executive function that gets some votes. Executive function is why you can make yourself do dumb things that are in no way related to your survival, why you can plan for the very-long-term, and also why you have self-control in the face of things like cold and pain.
Eventually we may discover that what appears to be “self-control” is actually just the combined action of social emotions like shame. It may be that there is no such thing as an executive function, and what feels like self-control is really the result of different social emotions, the drives to do things like maintain our status or avoid shame, voting for things that are in their interest. But for now let’s keep the assumption that there is someone driving this thing.
Even so, executive function doesn’t have very many votes, which is why most people cannot starve themselves to death or hold their breath until they suffocate. At some point, the suffocation governor ends up with so many votes that it can make you do whatever it wants, and it always votes for the same thing: breathe.
Happiness
Here’s another thing people find surprising: why don’t we maximize happiness?
People often complain about not being as happy as they would like. But their revealed preferences are clear: they don’t always do things that make them happy, even when they know what those things are, even when it’s easy. People often choose to do things that are painful, difficult, even pointless.
This is because there is no governor voting for happiness. Happiness is more like a side-effect, something that happens whenever you successfully correct any governor’s error signal. People who live challenging lives end up happy, assuming they are able to meet those challenges, but there is no force inside you that is voting for you to go and become more happy per se.
Remember that happiness isn’t an emotion. All emotions are error signals generated by a governor dedicated to controlling some signal related to survival. Governors have a simple relationship with the error signals they generate: they vote for behaviors that will drive their error signal towards zero. So if happiness were some kind of emotion, the governor that generated it would vote, whenever possible, to drive happiness towards zero!
Clearly people don’t behave in a way that tries to drive happiness to zero. While we aren’t happiness-maximizers either, many of our actions do make us happier, and when we take an action that makes us less happy, we’re less likely to take that action in the future. This is clear evidence that happiness isn’t an emotion.
The paradoxes of motivation are a lot like the paradoxes of democracy. A democracy does not institute the policies that are the best for its citizens. It doesn’t even institute the policies that are most popular. Democracies institute the policies that get enough votes.
Similarly, a person does not take the actions that make them happiest. They do not take the actions that are best for them, or even the actions that are most likely to lead to their survival. No, people take the actions that get the most votes.
Direct video feed from inside your head
Like with democracy, the system still mostly works, because “what gets the most votes” is close enough to “what’s good for you”, enough of the time. But there are all kinds of situations that lead to behavior that can appear mystifying, until you learn to see things through the lens of parliamentary procedure.
There’s nothing wrong with not being happy. You can not be happy and still be doing perfectly fine. So why do people find this startling, and ruminate about their lack of happiness? Isn’t it strange that people obsess so much over happiness, but don’t actually change their actions to become more happy?
The explanation may be purely social. In modern American culture, we are expected to be happy. Not being happy is seen as a sign of failure and weakness. Being unhappy, or even just feeling neutral, is enough to make us lose status in the eyes of others, it can be the source of ridicule and shame. Being anything less than perfectly happy can be enough to make you a subject of pity. So even though happiness is not directly controlled, if you exist in a culture with these norms, some of your social governors (associated with emotions like shame and drives for status) will vote for you to do things that will make you happy, just so you can get one over on the Joneses.
But our social emotions are not voting to make us happy per se — they are actually concerned with making sure we avoid the social consequences that would come from appearing unhappy. They want to make sure that we don’t lose status for being seen as gloomy, and keep us from feeling shame for our melancholy. One way to do this is to vote for actions that will make you happier. But equally good, better even, is to vote for actions that make you seem happy!
So other things being equal, the social emotions tend to drive us towards the appearance of happiness, rather than actual happiness. Actual happiness may or may not make us appear happy in a way that will increase our status or reduce our shame. But the appearance of happiness always appears happy. So that’s what gets the votes.
This is what makes people neurotic about not being as happy as they should be. When they’re feeling reflective, it makes some people worry that they are fake, since they feel consistently driven towards the appearance of happiness, even at the expense of what would actually make them happy.
This is a well-known problem in contemporary American culture, and for cultures that have borrowed American standards for happiness. But most other cultures don’t expect people to be happy all the time. Without this expectation, people from these cultures don’t have the problem of feeling like they must both seek happiness and perform it, and don’t run into this weird vicious cycle. (Though of course, other cultures have problems of their own.)
For a similar example, consider the problem of self-sabotage. In some cultures and contexts it’s not appropriate to perform better than your peers, or to get too much better too quickly (cf. tall poppy syndrome). In this case, some of the social governors will vote against performing your best, to avoid the social disapproval that might come from performing better than you “should”.
This suggests that the treatment for self-sabotage is to surround yourself with people who think that failure is shameful and success is impressive, rather than the other way around. And it suggests that something you can do for the people around you is to express polite disappointment when they accomplish less than they hope for and genuine enthusiasm when they accomplish more. Even an expression of envy can be a supportive thing to do for your friends, as long as it’s clear that it comes from a place of admiration rather than competition.
Of course, if you go too far in this direction, you can end up with a culture that is neurotic about success rather than about conformity. Decide your own point on the tradeoff, but we’d argue that self-sabotage is worse than pushing yourself too hard.
Suffering
Why do people sometimes seek out extreme experiences? Why do we subject ourselves to things like roller coasters, saunas, horror movies, extreme sports, and even outright suffering?
Psychologist Paul Bloom explains these decisions in terms of chosen suffering versus unchosen suffering. For example, in this interview he says, “You should avoid being assaulted… there’s no bright side to the death of a loved one… there’s no happiness in watching your house burn down… nor is there happiness to be found in getting a horrible disease. Unchosen suffering is awful.”
In contrast he says, “chosen suffering, the sort of suffering we seek-out can be a source of pleasure … You choose to have kids, you choose to run a marathon, you choose to eat spicy food. You choose these things because there’s a payoff later in future pleasure.”
We think this is close. He’s picked the right examples, but getting assaulted, losing a loved one, or getting a horrible disease, are just bad. Choosing them wouldn’t make them any better. So it can’t be the chosen versus unchosen nature of these examples that makes the difference.
A better way to think about this is whether the suffering is under your control. If suffering is under your control, it can be corrected at any time. Since happiness is generated when errors are corrected, then controlled suffering is a neat hack — it’s a free way to generate happiness at no risk to actual life and limb.
Controlled suffering is like a sauna or a horror movie. You’re sweating or you’re scared, but you can stop at any time, and stopping feels pretty great, it’s a relief. The uncontrolled version would be more like being trapped in a sauna, or locked inside a haunted house — not so pleasurable, and not the sort of thing people go looking for. A really uncontrolled version would be the experience of being trapped inside a burning building, or being chased by an actual serial killer, where the stakes are not only real, they have permanent consequences.
When given a choice, people only tend to choose controlled suffering, and tend to suffer uncontrolled suffering only against their choosing. So almost all chosen suffering is controlled, and all uncontrolled suffering is unchosen. This should come as no surprise. But this has led Bloom to mistake the choosing for the active ingredient, rather than the controlled nature of the suffering.
Choosing uncontrolled suffering doesn’t make it good for you. Choosing to get assaulted is about as bad as getting assaulted by accident. Unchosen but controlled suffering isn’t usually that bad. Taking a wrong turn and ending up in the sauna by mistake is not that much of a bummer.
If you do want to become happier, the solution is simple — make yourself hungry, thirsty, cold, hot, tired, lonely, scared, etc. And then correct these errors promptly. It will feel amazing. If it doesn’t feel amazing, you are probably depressed in some more serious way. (See upcoming sections for more speculation about what this means for you.)
Governors vote for behaviors that they expect will decrease their errors.
Governors are predictive, they will also vote against actions that they anticipate will increase their error.
The number of votes each governor gets is a function of the size of their error and/or the predicted change in error of the actions available.
Behavior is determined by the collective negotiation of all governors.
The technical term for this problem is selection, so this set of systems is called the selector.
There is a mechanism called a gate that takes votes below a certain threshold and reduces them to zero. In the mental selector, the gate stops votes that are below some minimum threshold. This ensures that actions must get at least some minimum number of votes to be performed.
Behaviors like “eat cake” that have a governor behind them are easy to do. Behaviors like “study for your math test” that don’t have a governor behind them are hard to do. This resolves most mysteries of self-control.
Discussion Questions
What behaviors do you find it really easy to do? What behaviors do you find it really challenging to do?
When was a time you chose to do something that was painful, difficult, or pointless?
What kinds of extreme experiences do you seek out? Why do you do that?
Is each governor’s influence conserved? If the hunger governor has 100 votes and you give it 50 options, can it only give each option 2 votes? Or can it put all 100 votes towards every option? Is this why no one can agree what they want for dinner?
To avoid biting the dust, lots of things need to be juuuust right. If you get too hot or too cold, you die. If you don’t eat enough food, you die. But if you eat too much food, you also die. If you produce too much blood, or too little blood, if you [other thing], if you [third thing], dead dead dead.
It’s a miracle that organisms pull this off. How do they do it? Easy: they make thermostats.
Go to Zero
A thermostat is a simple control system.
Thermostats are designed to keep your house at a certain temperature. You don’t want the house to get much hotter than the target temperature, and you don’t want it to get much colder.
To make this happen, the thermostat is designed to drive the temperature of the house towards the target. If you’re not too allergic to anthropomorphism, we can say that the goal of the thermostat is to keep the house at that temperature. Or we can describe it as a control system, and say that the thermostat is designed to control the temperature of the house, keeping it as close to the target as possible.
The basic idea is simple. We divide the world into the inside of the thermostat and the outside of the thermostat, like so:
To begin with, we need some kind of sensor (sometimes called an input function) that can read the temperature of the house and communicate that information to the inside of the thermostat.
Some sensors are better than others, but it doesn’t really matter. As long as the sensor can get a rough sense of the temperature of the house and transport that information to the guts of the device, the thermostat should be able to do its job.
The sensor is a part of the thermostat, so we color-code it white, but it interacts with the outside world, so the box sticks a little bit out into the house.
The sensor creates a signal that we call a perception. In this case, the sensor perceives that the house is 68 degrees Fahrenheit.
The sensor can be very simple, like a thermometer that measures the temperature at one spot in the house. Or it can be very complicated — for example, a network of different kinds of sensors all throughout the house, feeding into a complex algorithm that references and weighs each one, providing some kind of statistical average.
The important thing is that the sensor generates a perception of the thing it’s trying to measure, the signal the control system is aiming to control. In this case, the sensor is trying to get an estimate of the temperature in the house, and it has sensed that the temperature is about 68 ºF.
The thermostat also needs a part that can interpret the signal coming in from the sensor. This part of the thermostat is usually called the comparator.
We call this part the comparator because its main job is to compare the temperature perception coming from the sensor to the target temperature for the house. To compare these two things, the thermostat needs to know the target temperature. So let’s add a set point.
The target is set by a human, and in this case we can see that they set it to 72 °F. So the set point for the thermostat is 72 °F.
If the set point is 72 °F and the sensor detects a temperature of 72 °F, the thermostat doesn’t need to do anything. Everything is all good. When the perception from the sensor is the same as the set point, then assuming the sensor is working correctly, the house is the correct temperature. There is a difference of 0 °F.
But sometimes everything is not all good. Sometimes the set point is 72 °F but the sensor is only reading 68 °F, like it is here.
In this case, the comparator compares the set point (72 °F) to the perception (68 °F) and finds that there is a difference of -4 °F. The perception of the house’s temperature is four degrees colder than the target, so the house itself is about four degrees colder than we want it to be.
Having done this math, the comparator creates an error signal, which is simply the difference between the perception and the set point. If there’s no difference between the perception and the set point, then the error signal will be zero, i.e. no difference at all. If the error is zero, the thermostat doesn’t need to do anything. But in this case, the difference between the perception and the set point is -4 °F, so the error signal is -4 °F too.
For the thermostat to do its job, we need to close the loop. The final thing the thermostat needs is some way of influencing the outside world. This is often called the output function or the control element, which is the name we will use here:
Like the sensor, the control element sticks out into the exterior world, to indicate that it can interact with things outside the thermostat.
But you’ll notice that the loop is still not closed. The control element needs ways to influence the outside world.
A really simple thermostat might have only one way to influence things — it might only be able to turn on the furnace, which will raise the temperature:
But this is a pretty basic thermostat. It can’t control how hot the furnace is running, it can only turn it on or off.
It will do better if we give it more options. We can improve this thermostat by installing three settings for the furnace, like so:
This is much better. If the house is just a little cold, the control element can turn on the lowest furnace setting. This will keep the thermostat from overshooting the set point and sending the temperature above 72 °F. But if the house is freezing, it can turn on the turbo setting, and drive it to the set point much more quickly.
But there’s still a problem: our poor thermostat still has no way to lower the temperature. If the house goes above 72 °F, it can’t do a thing. The temperature will go above the set point and stay there until it comes down on its own; the thermostat is powerless.
This is unacceptable. But we can fix this problem by giving the thermostat access to air conditioning:
The control element can have many different possible outputs. Its job is to measure the error signal and decide what to do about it, and its goal is to drive the error signal to zero, or as close to zero as it can manage.
Similar to the sensor, the control element can be very simple or very complex. A simple control element might just turn on the heat any time the error signal is negative, or when the error signal is below some threshold. A more complicated control element might look at the derivative of the change in temperature over time and try to control the temperature predictively.
A very smart control element might use machine learning, or might have access to information about the weather, time of day, or day of the week, and might learn to use different strategies in different situations. You could give it a bunch of output options and just let it mess around with them, learning how different outputs influence the error signal in different ways.
More sophisticated techniques will give you a more effective control system. But as long as the control element has some way to influence the temperature, the thermostat should work ok.
Back in our example thermostat, the temperature in this house is too low, so the control element turns on the furnace. This raises the temperature, driving the error signal towards zero:
Once the error signal is zero, the control element turns off the furnace:
But even with this success, it’s important for the loop to remain closed. Even when the thermostat has driven the house’s temperature to the set point, and driven the error signal to zero, the house is still subject to disturbances. People open the door, they turn on the oven, they spill ice cream on the floor. Some heat escapes through the windows, the sun beats down on the roof. Let’s add disturbances to the diagram:
Because of these outside disturbances, the temperature of the house is always changing. To control the house’s temperature, to keep it near the set point in the face of all these disturbances, the control system needs to remain active.
This makes it easy to tell whether or not the thermostat is working like it should. Successful behavior drives the temperature (or at least the perception of that temperature) to the set point, and drives the error signal to zero. In the face of disturbances, it keeps the error signal close to zero, or quickly corrects it there.
In many older thermostats, the sensor is a bimetallic coil of brass and steel. Because of differences in the two metals, this coil expands when it gets warmer and contracts when it gets cooler. If this is all set up properly, the coil gives a decent measure of the temperature and helps the rest of the mechanism drive the house’s temperature to a given target.
But if you were to hold this coil closed, or tie a string around it and pull it tight enough to give a reading of 60 °F, the system will behave as though the temperature is always 60 °F. If the set point is 72 °F, the system will experience a large error signal, just as though the real temperature of the house was 60 °F, and will make a futile attempt to raise the house temperature, pushing as hard as it can, forever, until the thermostat breaks or the coil is released.
The thing to hold on to here is that every control system produces multiple signals.
There will always be some kind of sensory signal as input.
There will always be some kind of reference or target signal serving as the set point.
And there will always be an error signal, which under normal conditions will be the difference between the other two signals.
Dividing a control system into individual parts helps us understand what happens when a control system breaks in different ways:
If something goes wrong with the sensor in a thermostat (like the coil example above), the control system will try to reduce the error between the set point and the perceived temperature, not the actual temperature.
If something goes wrong with the comparator, producing an incorrect error, then the control system will try to drive that error signal to zero.
If something goes wrong with the output function, any number of strange things can happen.
Hello Governor
The thermostat is just an example; control systems are everywhere. The technical term used to describe control systems like these is “cybernetic”, and the study of these systems is called cybernetics.
Both words come from the Ancient Greek κυβερνήτης (kubernḗtēs, “steersman”), from κυβερνάω (kubernáō, “I steer, drive, guide, act as a pilot”). Norbert Wiener and Arturo Rosenblueth, who invented the word, chose this term because control systems steer or guide their targets, and because a steersman or pilot acts as a control system by keeping the ship pointed in the right direction.
Most famous of these is the centrifugal governor used to regulate the speed of steam engines. Look closely at any steam engine, and you should see one of these:
The engine’s output is connected to the governor by a belt or chain, so the governor spins along with the engine. As the engine starts to speed up, the governor spins faster, and its spinning balls gain kinetic energy and move outward, like they’re trying to escape.
This outward movement isn’t just for show; if the motion goes far enough, it causes the lever arms to pull down on a thrust bearing, which moves a beam linkage, which reduces the aperture of a throttle valve, which controls how much steam is getting into the engine. So, the faster the engine goes, the more the governor closes the valve. This keeps the engine from going too fast — it controls the engine’s speed.
Control systems maintain homeostasis, driving a system to some kind of equilibrium. A thermostat controls the temperature of a house, a centrifugal governor controls the speed of a steam engine, but you can control just about anything if you put your mind to it. As long as you can measure a variable in some way, influence it in some way, and you can put a comparator between these two components to create an error signal, you can make a control system to drive that variable towards whatever set point you like.
Control in the Organism
Every organism needs to make sure it doesn’t get too dry, too hot, too cold, etc. If it gets any of these wrong, it dies.
As a result, a lot of biology is made up of control systems. Every organ is devoted to maintaining homeostasis in one way or another. Your kidneys control electrolyte concentrations in your blood, the pancreas controls blood sugar, and the thyroid controls all kinds of crap.
The brain is a homeostatic organ too. But the brain does homeostasis with a twist. Unlike the other organs, which mostly drive homeostasis by changing things inside the body, the brain controls things with external behavior.
Thirst
One of the first behavioral control systems to evolve must have been thirst. All animals need water; without water, they die. So the brain has a control system that aims to keep the body hydrated.
This is a control system, just like a thermostat. Hydration is the goal, but that goal needs to be measured in some way. In this case the input function seems to be a measure of plasma osmolality, as detected by the brain. This perception is then compared to a reference value (in humans this is around 280-295 mOsm/kg), which generates an error signal that can drive behaviors like finding and consuming water.
As we see in the diagram, in this control system the error signal is thirst. We can tell this must be the case because successful behavior drives thirst to zero. The perception of osmolality can’t be the error signal, because osmolality is driven to 280-295 mOsm/kg, which is how we know that number is the target or set point. Whatever value is driven towards zero must be the error signal.
Just like with a thermostat, the output function can be very simple or very complex. Organisms with simple nervous systems may have only one output; they drink water when it happens to be right in front of them. Animals that live in freshwater streams and ponds may execute a program as simple as “open your mouth”, since they are always immersed in water that is perfectly good for them to drink.
Organisms with complex nervous systems, or that are adapted to environments where water is more scarce, will have more complex responses. A cat can go to its water bowl. In the dry season, elephants search out good locations and actively dig wells. Humans get in the car and drive to the store and make small talk while exchanging currency to purchase Vitamin Water®, a very complex response. But it’s all to control plasma osmolality by reducing the error signal of thirst to zero.
Hot and Cold
Organisms need to maintain a constant temperature, so the brain also includes systems for controlling heat and cold.
This adaptation actually consists of two different control systems — one that keeps the body from getting too warm, and another that keeps the body from getting too cold. We have two separate systems, rather than one system that handles both, because of the limits of how neurons can be wired up. “Neural comparators work only for one sense of error, so two comparators, one working with inverted signals, would be required to detect both too much and too little of the sensor output level.” (Powers, 1973)
We can also appeal to intuition — it feels entirely different to be hot or to be cold, they are totally different sensations. And when you are sick, sometimes you feel both too hot and too cold, something that would be impossible if this were a single system.
As usual, the output function can be simple or complex. Some responses are relatively automatic, like sweating, and might not usually be considered “behavior”. But other responses, like putting on a cardigan, are definitely behavior.
This is a chance to notice something interesting. A human can shiver, sweat, put on a coat, or open a window to control their temperature. But they can also… adjust the set point on the thermostat for their house! One way a control system can act on the world is by changing the set point of a different control system, and letting that “lower” system carry out the control for it.
Pain
Organisms need to keep from getting injured, so they have ways to measure damage to their bodies, and a system to control that damage.
Again, we see that pain is the error signal that’s generated in response to some kind of measure of damage or physical harm.
A very simple control system will respond to pain, and nothing else. This might be good enough for a shellfish. But a more complex approach (not pictured in this diagram) is for the control system to predict how much pain might be coming, and drive behavior to avoid that pain, instead of merely responding. Compare this to a thermostat which can tell a blizzard is incoming, and turns on the furnace in anticipation, before the cold snap actually hits.
Hunger
Most organisms need to eat in order to live. Once the food is inside your body there are other control systems that put it to the right use, but you need to express some behavior to get it there. So there’s another control system in charge of locating nutritious objects and putting them inside your gob.
Obviously in this case, the error signal is hunger — successful eating behavior tends to drive hunger to zero.
More realistically, there is not one eating control system, and not one kind of hunger, but several. There might even be dozens.
One control system probably controls something like your blood sugar level, and drives behavior that makes you put things with calories inside your mouth.
But man cannot live on calories alone, and neither can any other organism. For one thing, you definitely need salt. So there must be another control system that drives behavior to make you put salty things (hopefully salty foods, though perhaps not always) inside your mouth. This is confirmed by the fact that people sometimes crave salty foods. If you’ve ever had a moose lick the salt off your car, you’ll know that we’re right.
It’s hard to tell exactly how many kinds of hunger there are, but humans need several different nutrients to survive, and we clearly can have cravings for many different kinds of foods, so there must be several kinds of hunger. The same goes for other animals.
Fear
Organisms also need to avoid getting eaten themselves. This is somewhat more tricky than controlling things like heat and fluid levels, but evolution has found a way.
To accomplish this, organisms have been given a very complicated input function that estimates the threats in our immediate area, by weighing information like “is there anything nearby that looks or sounds like a tiger?” This input function creates a complicated perception that we might call “danger”.
This danger estimate is then compared to some reference level of acceptable danger, creating the error signal of fear. If you are in more danger than is considered acceptable, you RUN AWAY (or local equivalent).
Disgust
Getting eaten is not the only danger we face. Organisms also need to avoid eating poisonous things that will kill them, and avoid contact with things that will expose them to disease.
Like fear, the input function here is very complicated. It’s not as simple as checking the organism’s blood osmolality or some other internal signal. Trying to figure out what things out there in the world might be poisonous or diseased is a difficult problem.
But smelling spoiled milk or looking at a rotting carcass clearly creates some kind of signal, which is compared with some reference level, and creates an error signal that drives behavior. That’s why, if you drink too much Southern Comfort and later puke it up, you’ll never want Southern Comfort again.
In this case, the error signal is disgust.
Shame
Every organism needs to maintain internal homeostasis in order to survive. Organisms that can perceive the world and flop around a bit also tend to develop the ability to control things about the outside world, things like how close they get to predators. This improves their ability to survive even further.
Social organisms like humans also control social variables. It’s hard to know exactly what variables are being controlled, since they are not as simple as body temperature. They are at least as complicated as an abstract concept like “danger” — something we certainly perceive and can control, but that must be very complicated.
However, we can make reasonable guesses. For one, humans control things like status. You want to make sure that your status in your social group is reasonably high, that it doesn’t go down, that it maybe sometimes even goes up.
In this case, the error signal when status is too low is probably something like what we call shame. Sadness, loneliness, anger, and guilt all seem to be error signals for similar control systems that attempt to control other social variables.
Cybernetic Paradigm
Every sense you possess is an instrument for reacting to change. Does that tell you nothing?
― Frank Herbert, God Emperor of Dune
Control of blood osmolality leads to an error signal we call thirst. This drives behavior to keep you hydrated.
Control of body temperature leads to error signals we know as the experiences “hot” and “cold”. These drive behavior to keep you comfortable, even cozy.
Control of various nutritional values leads to error signals that we collectively call hunger. These drive behavior that involves “chowing down”.
While they can be harder to characterize, control of social values like status and face lead to error signals we identify with words like “shame” and “guilt”. These drive social behavior like trying to impress people and prove our value to our group.
All of these things are of the same type. They’re all error signals coming from the same kinds of biological control systems, error signals that drive external behavior which, when successful, pushes that error signal towards zero.
All of these things are of the same type, and the word for this type is “emotion”. An emotion is the error signal in a behavioral biological control system.
We say “behavioral” because your body also regulates things like the amount of copper in your blood, but there’s no emotion associated with serum copper regulation. It’s regulated internally, by processes you are unaware of, processes that may not even involve the brain. In contrast, emotions are the biological control errors that drive external behavior.
Thirst, hot, cold, shame, disgust, fear, and all the different kinds of hunger are all emotions. Other emotions include anger, pain, sleepy, need to pee, suffocation, and horny. There are probably some emotions we don’t have words for. All biological error signals that are in conscious awareness and that drive behavior are emotions.
See!? Emotions!
Some emotions come in pairs that control two ends of one variable. The emotions of hot and cold are a good example. You try to keep your body temperature in a certain range, so it needs one control system (and one emotion) to keep you from getting too cold, and another control system (and another emotion) to keep you from getting too hot.
Feeling hot and feeling cold are clearly opposites, two emotions that keep your body temperature in the right range. There’s also an opposite of hunger — the emotion you feel when you have eaten too much and shouldn’t eat any more. We don’t have a common word for it in English, but “fullness” or “satiety” are close.
But for many goals, there’s only a limit in one direction. You just want to make sure some variable doesn’t get too high or too low. You’ll notice that “need to pee” is an emotion, but it doesn’t have an opposite. While your bladder can be too full, it can’t be too empty, so there’s no emotion for that.
This is counterintuitive to modern psychology because academic psychologists act as though nothing of interest happens below the neck. They couldn’t possibly imagine that “hungry” or “needs to pee” could be important to the study of psychology — even though most human time and energy is spent on eating, sleeping, peeing, fuckin’, etc.
In contrast, when the goal is to model believable human behavior, and not just to produce longwinded journal articles, these basic drives and emotions come about naturally. Even The Sims knew that “bladder” is one of the eight basic human motivations.
This is a joke; there are more than eight motivations. But frankly, the list they came up with for The Sims is pretty good. It’s clear that there are drives to keep your body and your living space clean, and it seems plausible that these might be different emotions. We don’t have words for the associated emotions in English, but The Sims calls these motivations “Hygiene” and “Environment” (originally called “Room”).
Happiness and Other Signals
Emotions are easy to identify because they are errors in a control system. Like any error in a control system, successful behavior drives the error to zero. This means that happiness is not an emotion.
After all, it’s clearly not an error signal. Behavior doesn’t try to drive happiness to zero. That means it’s not the same kind of thing as the rest of these signals, which are all clearly error signals. And that means happiness isn’t an emotion. Happiness is some kind of signal, but it’s not an emotion.
Now you may be thinking, “Hold on a minute there, SMTM. I was on board with you about the biological control systems. I understand how hunger and cold and whatnot are all the error signals of various control systems, that’s very interesting. But you can’t just go around saying that pain and thirst are emotions, and that happiness isn’t an emotion. You can’t just go around using accepted words in totally made-up new ways. That’s not what science is all about.”
We disagree; we think that this IS what science is all about. Adapting old words to new forms is like half of the project.
For starters, language always changes over time. The word “meteor” comes from the Greek metéōron, which literally meant “thing high up”. For a long time it referred to anything that happened high up, like rainbows, auroras, shooting stars, and unusual clouds. This sense is preserved in meteorology, the study of the weather, i.e. the study of things high up. But in common use, “meteor” is now restricted to space debris burning up as it enters the atmosphere. And there’s nothing wrong with that.
Second, changing the way we use words is a very normal part of any scientific revolution.
Take this passage from Thomas Kuhn’s essay, What Are Scientific Revolutions?:
Revolutionary changes are different and … problematic. They involve discoveries that cannot be accommodated within the concepts in use before they were made. In order to make or to assimilate such a discovery one must alter the way one thinks about and describes some range of natural phenomena. … [Consider] the transition from Ptolemaic to Copernican astronomy. Before it occurred, the sun and moon were planets, the earth was not. After it, the earth was a planet, like Mars and Jupiter; the sun was a star; and the moon was a new sort of body, a satellite. Changes of that sort were not simply corrections of individual mistakes embedded in the Ptolemaic system. Like the transition to Newton’s laws of motion, they involved not only changes in laws of nature but also changes in the criteria by which some terms in those laws attached to nature.
The same is true of this revolution. Before this transition, happiness and fear were emotions, while hunger was not. After it, hunger is an emotion, like shame and loneliness; happiness is some other kind of signal; and other signals like stress may be new sorts of signals as well.
As in any revolution, we happen to be using the same word, but the meaning has changed. This kind of change has been a part of science from the beginning.
Ontologically, where “planet” had meant “lights that wander in the sky,” it now meant “things that go around the sun.” Empirically, the claim was that all the old planets go around the sun, except the moon and the sun itself, so those are not really planets after all. Most troublingly, the earth too goes around the sun, so it is a planet.
The earth does not wander in the sky; it does not glow like the planets; it is extremely large, whereas most planets are mere pinpoints. Why call the earth a planet? This made absolutely no sense in Copernicus’ time. The claim appeared not false, but absurd: a category error. But for Copernicus, the earth was a planet exactly in that it does wander around the universe, instead of sitting still at the center.
Maybe heliocentrism would have succeeded sooner if Copernicus used a different word for his remodeled category! This is a common pattern, though: an existing word is repurposed during remodeling. There is no fact-of-the-matter about whether “planet” denoted a new, different category, or if the category itself changed and kept its same name.
So just like Copernicus, our claims aren’t false, they’re absurd. In any case, it’s too cute to hold so closely onto the current boundaries for the word “emotion”, given that the term is not even that old. Before the 1830s, English-speakers would have said “passions” or “sentiments” instead of “emotions”. So to slightly change the meaning of “emotion” is not that big a deal.
In any case, we can use words however we want. So back to the question at hand: If happiness isn’t an emotion, or at least isn’t a cybernetic error signal, then what is it?
The answer is quite simple. People and animals have many different governors that try to maintain a signal at homeostasis, near some target or on one side of some threshold. When one of these signals is out of alignment, the governor creates an error signal, an emotion like fear or thirst. The governor then does its best to correct that error.
When a governor sends its signal back into alignment, correcting an error signal, this causes happiness. Happiness is what happens when a thirsty person drinks, when a tired person rests, when a frightened person reaches safety.
Consider the experiences that cause the greatest happiness. A quintessential happy experience might be finishing a long solitary hike in the February cold, arriving at the lodge freezing and battered, and throwing open the door to the sight of a roaring fire, soft couches, dry socks, good company, and an enormous feast.
The reason this kind of experience is so joyous is because a person who has just finished a long winter’s hike has driven many of their basic control systems far out of alignment, creating many large error signals. They are cold, thirsty, hungry, tired, perhaps they are in a bit of discomfort, or even pain. The opportunity to correct these error signals by stepping into a warm ski lodge leads to 1) many errors being corrected at once, and 2) the corrections being quite fast and quite large.
When errors are corrected by a large amount, or they are corrected very quickly, that creates more happiness than when they are corrected slowly and incrementally. A man who was lost in the desert will feel nothing short of bliss at his first sip of cool water — he is incredibly thirsty, and correcting that very large error creates a lot of happiness.
Imagine yourself on a hot summer day. To quaff a tall glass of ice water and eliminate your thirst all at once is immensely pleasurable. To sip the same amount over the course of an hour is not nearly so good. More happiness is created when a correction is fast than when it is slow.
Here we see some confirmation that “need to pee” is an emotion. We also see evidence of the laws of how error correction causes happiness. Since the error signal was so big, and since it was resolved all at once in that dirty little gas station bathroom, the correction was both large and sudden, which is why peeing made the author so happy. “Moans”, or happiness in general, “are connected with not getting what you want right away, with putting things off.” Or take Friedrich Nietzsche, who asked: “What is happiness? The feeling that power is growing, that resistance is overcome.”
Correcting any error signal creates happiness, and the happiness it creates persists for a while. But over time, happiness does fade. We don’t know the exact rate of decay, but if you create 100 points of happiness today, you might have only 50 points of happiness tomorrow. The next day you will have only 25, and eventually you will have no happiness at all.
But in practice, your drives are constantly getting pushed out of alignment and you are constantly correcting them, and in most cases this leads to a steady stream of happiness. You get hungry, thirsty, tired, and you correct these errors, generating more happiness each time. As long as you generate happiness faster than the happiness decays, you will be generally happy on net.
You can think of this as a personal happiness economy. Just like a business must have more money coming in than going out to stay in the black, you’ll feel happy on net as long as errors are being corrected faster than happiness decays.
In this model, there are as many ways to feel bad as there are things that are being controlled. But there’s only one way to feel good. Which would mean that all of our words for positive emotion — joy, excitement, pride — are really referring to the same thing, just in different contexts.
Happiness is also related to the concept of “agency”, the general ability to affect your world in ways of your choosing. A greater ability to affect your world means more ability to cause large changes in any context. If you have a lot of ability to make things change, you can make big corrections in your error signals — you can take the situation of being very hungry and correct that error decisively, leading to a burst of happiness.
(It may also be the case that even an arbitrary exercise of agency can make you somewhat happy, since people do seem to gain happiness from meeting some very arbitrary goals. But this is hard to distinguish from social drives — maybe you are just excited at how impressed you think everyone will be when they see how many digits of pi you have memorized.)
People are consistently surprised to find that living in posh comfort and having all your needs immediately met isn’t all that pleasurable. But with this model of happiness, it makes perfect sense. Pleasure and happiness are only generated when you are out of alignment in a profound way, a way that could legitimately threaten your very survival, and then you are brought back into alignment in a way that is literally life-affirming.
This is why people who are well-off, the idle rich in particular, often feel like their lives are pointless and empty. To have all your needs immediately met generates almost no happiness, so the persistently comfortable go through life in something of a gray fog.
Does this suggest that horrible experiences can, at least under the right circumstances, make you happy and functional? Yes.
See this section about the Blitz during World War Two, from the book Tribe (h/t @softminus):
On and on the horror went, people dying in their homes or neighborhoods while doing the most mundane things. Not only did these experiences fail to produce mass hysteria, they didn’t even trigger much individual psychosis. Before the war, projections for psychiatric breakdown in England ran as high as four million people, but as the Blitz progressed, psychiatric hospitals around the country saw admissions go down. Emergency services in London reported an average of only two cases of “bomb neuroses” a week. Psychiatrists watched in puzzlement as long-standing patients saw their symptoms subside during the period of intense air raids. Voluntary admissions to psychiatric wards noticeably declined, and even epileptics reported having fewer seizures. “Chronic neurotics of peacetime now drive ambulances,” one doctor remarked. Another ventured to suggest that some people actually did better during wartime.
The positive effects of war on mental health were first noticed by the great sociologist Emile Durkheim, who found that when European countries went to war, suicide rates dropped. Psychiatric wards in Paris were strangely empty during both world wars, and that remained true even as the German army rolled into the city in 1940. Researchers documented a similar phenomenon during civil wars in Spain, Algeria, Lebanon, and Northern Ireland. An Irish psychologist named H. A. Lyons found that suicide rates in Belfast dropped 50 percent during the riots of 1969 and 1970, and homicide and other violent crimes also went down. Depression rates for both men and women declined abruptly during that period, with men experiencing the most extreme drop in the most violent districts. County Derry, on the other hand—which suffered almost no violence at all —saw male depression rates rise rather than fall. Lyons hypothesized that men in the peaceful areas were depressed because they couldn’t help their society by participating in the struggle.
Horrible events can also traumatize people, of course. Being bombed by the Luftwaffe is dangerous to your health. But in other ways, being thrust into catastrophe can be very reassuring, even affirming. We were put together in an era of constant threat, it should be no surprise that we can be functional in that kind of environment.
Don’t Worry, Why Happy
So happiness isn’t an emotion, and doesn’t drive behavior. The natural question has to be, why does happiness exist at all? What function does it serve if it is not, like an emotion, helping to drive some important signal to homeostasis.
We think happiness is a signal used to calibrate explore versus exploit.
The exploration-exploitation dilemma is a fancy way of talking about a basic problem. Should you mostly stick to the options you know pretty well, and “exploit” them to the fullest extent, or should you go out and “explore” new options that might be even better?
For example, if you live in a city and have tried 10 out of the 100 restaurants in the area, when you decide where to go to lunch, should you go to the best restaurant you’ve found so far, for an experience that is guaranteed to be pretty good, or should you try a new restaurant and maybe discover a new favorite? And how much time should you spend with your best friend, versus making new friends?
It’s a tradeoff. If you spend all your time exploring, you never get the opportunity to enjoy the best options you’ve found. But if you exploit the first good thing you find and never leave, you’re likely to miss out on better opportunities somewhere else. You have to find a balance.
This dilemma makes explore versus exploit one of the core issues of decision-making, and finding the right balance is a fundamental problem in machine learning approaches like reinforcement learning. So it’s not at all surprising that psychology would have a signal that helps to tune this tradeoff.
Remember that in this model of happiness, behavior is successful when it corrects some error, and creates some amount of happiness. This makes happiness a rough measure of how consistently you are correcting your errors.
If you are reliably generating happiness, that means you’re correcting your errors all the time, so your overall strategies for survival must be working pretty well. Keep doing what you’re doing. On the other hand, if you are not frequently generating happiness, that means you are almost never correcting your errors, and you must be doing rather poorly. Your strategies are not serving you well — in nature, you would probably be on the fast track to a painful death. In this situation, you should switch up your strategies and try something new. In a word, you should explore.
When you’re generating plenty of happiness, you are surviving, your strategies are working, and you should stick with them. When you’re not generating much happiness, your strategies are not working, you may not be surviving long, and you should change it up and try new things in an attempt to find new strategies that are better.
All this makes sense in a state of nature, where sometimes you have to change or die. But note that in the modern world, you can survive for a long time without generating much happiness at all. This is why modern people sometimes explore their way into very strange strategies.
(Tuning explore vs. exploit is just one theory. Another possibility is that your happiness is a signal for other people to control. For example, a parent might have a governor that tries to make sure their child has at least a certain level of happiness. There are reasons to suspect this might be the case — we are much more visibly happy and unhappy than we are visibly hungry or tired. If this is true, then our happiness might be more important for other people than for ourselves.)
Psychologists don’t usually think of happiness in these terms, but this perspective isn’t entirely original. See this Smithsonian Magazine interview with psychologist Dan Gilbert from 2007. The interviewer asks, “Why does it seem we’re hard-wired to want to feel happy, over all the other emotions?” Dan responds with the following:
That’s a $64 million question. But I think the answer is something like: Happiness is the gauge the mind uses to know if it’s doing what’s right. When I say what’s right, I mean in the evolutionary sense, not in the moral sense. Nature could have wired you up with knowing 10,000 rules about how to mate, when to eat, where to seek shelter and safety. Or it could simply have wired you with one prime directive: Be happy. You’ve got a needle that can go from happy to unhappy, and your job in life is to get it as close to H as possible. As you’re walking through woods, when that needle starts going towards U, for unhappy, turn around, do something else, see if you can get it to go toward H. As it turns out, all the things that push the needle toward H—salt, fat, sugar, sex, warmth, security—are just the things you need to survive. I think of happiness as a kind of fitness-o-meter. It’s the way the organism is constantly updated about whether its behavior is in support of, or opposition to, its own evolutionary fitness.
As for terms like “unhappiness”, we think they should be defined out of existence. When people use the word “unhappy”, we think they mean one of two things. Either their happiness levels are low, in which case they are not-happy rather than un-happy; or some error, like fear or shame, has just increased by a large amount. This is unpleasant, and there is a sense of being more out of alignment than before, but it’s always linked to specific emotions. It’s not some generic deficit of happiness, and happiness cannot go negative; there is no anti-happiness.
Recap
Control systems maintain homeostasis, driving a system to some kind of equilibrium.
Every control system produces multiple signals.
There will always be some kind of sensory signal as input.
There will always be some kind of reference or target signal serving as the set point.
And there will always be an error signal, which under normal conditions will be the difference between the other two signals.
Dividing a control system into individual parts helps us understand what happens when a control system breaks in different ways:
If something goes wrong with the sensor in a thermostat, the control system will try to reduce the error between the set point and the perceived temperature, not the actual temperature.
If something goes wrong with the comparator, producing an incorrect error, then the control system will try to drive that error signal to zero.
If something goes wrong with the output function, any number of strange things can happen.
A lot of biology is made up of control systems. Every organ is devoted to maintaining homeostasis in one way or another. Your kidneys control electrolyte concentrations in your blood, the pancreas controls blood sugar, and the thyroid controls all kinds of crap.
The brain is a homeostatic organ too. Unlike the other organs, which mostly drive homeostasis by changing things inside the body, the brain controls things with external behavior.
This is the main unit of psychology: biological control systems that help maintain homeostasis by driving behavior.
The error signals generated by these control systems, signals like fear, shame, and thirst, are known as emotions. An emotion is the error signal in a behavioral biological control system.
In the face of disturbances, a governor keeps its error signal close to zero, or quickly corrects it there. Successful behavior drives the error signal to zero. Whatever value is driven towards zero must be the error signal.
Because happiness isn’t driven towards zero, happiness isn’t an error signal, which means that happiness is not an emotion.
When a governor sends its signal back into alignment, correcting an error signal, this causes happiness. Happiness is what happens when a thirsty person drinks, when a tired person rests, when a frightened person reaches safety.
Happiness probably exists to tune the balance between explore and exploit.
The technical term used to describe control systems like these is “cybernetic”, and the study of these systems is called cybernetics.
We who have nothing to “wind string around” are lost in the wilderness. But those who deny this need are “burning our playhouse down.” If you put quotes around certain words it sounds more like a metaphor.
Take almost anything, heat it up, and it gets bigger. Heat it up enough, it melts and becomes a liquid. Heat it up even more, it becomes a gas, and takes up even more space. Or, cool it down, it contracts and becomes smaller again.
The year is 1789. Antoine Lavoisier has just published his Traité Élémentaire de Chimie. Robert Kerr will soon translate it into English under the title Elements of Chemistry in a New Systematic Order containing All the Modern Discoveries, usually known as just Elements of Chemistry.
The very first thing Lavoisier talks about in his book is this mystery about heat. “[It] was long ago fully established as a physical axiom, or universal proposition,” he begins, “that every body, whether solid or fluid, is augmented in all its dimensions by any increase of its sensible heat”. When things get hotter, they almost always get bigger. And when things get colder, they almost always shrink. “It is easy to perceive,” he says, “that the separation of particles by heat is a constant and general law of nature.”
Lavoisier is riding a wave. About two hundred years earlier, Descartes had suggested that we throw out Aristotle’s way of thinking, where each kind of thing is imbued with its own special purpose, and instead bring back a very old idea from Epicurus, that everything is made out of tiny particles.
The plan is to see if “let’s start by assuming it’s all particles” might be a better angle for learning about the world. So Lavoisier’s goal here is to try to describe heat in terms of some kind of interaction between different particles.
He makes the argument in two steps. First, Lavoisier says that there must be two forces: one force that pushes the particles of the object apart (which we see when the object heats up), and another force that pulls them together (which we see when the object cools down). “The particles of all bodies,” he says, “may be considered as subjected to the action of two opposite powers, the one repulsive, the other attractive, between which they remain in equilibrio.”
The force pushing the particles apart obviously has something to do with heat, but there must also be a force pushing the particles together. Otherwise, the separating power of heat would make the object fly entirely apart, and objects wouldn’t get smaller when heat was removed, things wouldn’t condense or freeze as they got cold.
“Since the particles of bodies are thus continually impelled by heat to separate from each other,” he says, “they would have no connection between themselves; … there could be no solidity in nature, unless they were held together by some other power which tends to unite them, and, so to speak, to chain them together; which power, whatever be its cause, or manner of operation, we name Attraction.” Therefore, there is also a force pulling them together.
Ok, that was step one. In step two, Lavoisier takes those observations and proposes a model:
It is difficult to comprehend these phenomena, without admitting them as the effects of a real and material substance, or very subtle fluid, which, insinuating itself between the particles of bodies, separates them from each other; and, even allowing the existence of this fluid to be hypothetical, we shall see in the sequel, that it explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.
Let’s step back and notice a few things about what he’s doing.
First: While he’s happy to speculate about an attractive force, Lavoisier is very careful. He doesn’t claim anything about the attractive force, does not even speculate about “its cause, or manner of operation”. He just notes that there appears to be some kind of force causing the “solidity in nature”, and discusses what we might call it.
He does the same thing with the force that separates. Since it seems to be closely related to heat, he says we can call this hypothetical fluid “caloric” — “but there remains a more difficult attempt, which is, to give a just conception of the manner in which caloric acts upon other bodies.”
We don’t know these fluids exist from seeing or touching them — we hypothesize them from making normal observations, and asking, what kind of thing could there be, invisible but out there in the world, that could cause these observations? “Since this subtle matter penetrates through the pores of all known substances,” he says, “since there are no vessels through which it cannot escape, and consequently, as there are none which are capable of retaining it, we can only come at the knowledge of its properties by effects which are fleeting, and difficultly ascertainable.”
And Lavoisier warns us against thinking we are doing anything more than speculating. “It is in these things which we neither see nor feel,” he says, “that it is especially necessary to guard against the extravagance of our imagination, which forever inclines to step beyond the bounds of truth, and is very difficulty restrained within the narrow line of facts.”
Second: In addition to speculating, Lavosier proposes a model.
But not just any model. Lavosier’s theory of heat is a physical model. He proposes that heat is a fluid with particles so small they can get in between the particles of any other body. And he proposes that these particles create a force that separates other particles from each other. The heat particles naturally seep inside the particles of other objects, because they are so small. And this leads to the expansion and contraction that was the observation we started with.
Lavoisier is proposing a model of entities and rules. In this case, the entities are particles. There are rules governing how the particles can interact: Heat particles emit a force that pushes apart other particles. Particles of the same body mutually attract. There may be more entities, and there will certainly be more rules, but that’s a start.
Third: Instead of something obscure, he starts by trying to explain existing, commonplace observations.
People often think that a theory should make new, testable predictions. This thought seems to come from falsificationism: if a theory gives us a prediction that has never been seen before, we can go out and try to falsify the theory. If the prediction stands, then the theory has some legs.
But this is putting the cart before the horse. The first thing you actually want is for a theory to make “testable” predictions about existing observations. If a new proposal cannot even account for the things we already know about, if the entities and rules don’t duplicate a single thing we see from the natural world, it is a poor theory indeed.
It’s good if your model can do the fancy stuff, but first it should do the basic shit. A theory of weather doesn’t need to do much at first, but it should at least anticipate that water vapor makes clouds and that clouds make rain. It’s nice if your theory of gravity can account for the precession of the perihelion of Mercury, but it should first anticipate that the moon won’t fall into the earth, and that the earth attracts apples rather than repels them.
Fourth: His proposal is wrong! This model is not much like our modern understanding of heat at all. However, Lavoisier is entirely unconcerned. He makes it very clear that he doesn’t care whether or not this model is at all accurate in the entities:
…strictly speaking, we are not obliged to suppose [caloric] to be a real substance; it being sufficient … that it be considered as the repulsive cause, whatever that may be, which separates the particles of matter from each other; so that we are still at liberty to investigate its effects in an abstract and mathematical manner.
People are sometimes very anxious about whether their models are right. But this anxiety is pointless. A scientific model doesn’t need to be right. It doesn’t even need to describe a real entity.
Lavoisier doesn’t care about whether the entities he describes are real; he cares about the fact that the entities he proposes 1) would create the phenomenon he’s trying to understand (things generally expand when they get hotter, and contract when they get colder) and 2) are specific enough that they can be investigated.
Lavoisier’s proposal involves entities that operate by simple rules. The rules give rise to phenomena about heat that match existing observations. That is all that is necessary, and Lavoisier is quite aware of this. “Even allowing the existence of this fluid to be hypothetical,” he says, “we shall see … that it explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.”
Lavoisier (wearing goggles) operates his solar furnace
This is how scientific progress has always worked: Propose some entities and simple rules that govern them. See if they give rise to the things we see all the time. It’s hard to explain all of the things, so it’s unlikely that you’ll get this right on the first try. But does it explain any of the things?
If so, congratulations! You are on the right track. From here, you can tweak the rules and entities until they fit more and more of the commonly known phenomena. If you can do this, you are making progress. If at some point you can match most of the phenomena you see out in the world, you are golden.
If you can then go on to use the entities as a model to predict phenomena in an unknown set of circumstances, double congratulations. This is the hardest step of all, to make a called shot, to prove your model of rules and entities in unknown circumstances.
But first, you should prove it in known circumstances. If your theory of heat doesn’t even account for why things melt and evaporate, there’s no use in trying to make more exotic predictions. You need to start over.
Superficial
Much of what passes for knowledge is superficial.
We mean “superficial” in the literal sense. When we call something superficial, we mean that it deals only with the surface appearances of a phenomenon, without making appeal or even speculating about what might be going on beneath the surface.
There are two kinds of superficial knowledge: predictions and abstractions.
1. Predictions
Predictions are superficial because they only involve anticipating what will happen, and not why.
If you ask an astronomer, “What is the sun?” and he replies, “I can tell you exactly when the sun will rise and set every day”… that’s cool, but this astronomer does not know what the sun is. That will still be true even if he can name all the stars, even if he can predict eclipses, even if he can prove his calculations are accurate to the sixth decimal point.
Most forms of statistics suffer from this kind of superficiality. Any time anyone talks about correlations, they are being superficial in this way. “The closer we get to winter, the less time the sun spends in the sky.” Uh huh. And what is the sun, again?
Sometimes it is ok to talk about things just in terms of their surface appearances. We didn’t say “don’t talk about correlations”. We said, “correlations are superficial”. But often we want to go deeper. When you want to go deeper, accept no substitutes!
Sometimes all you want to do is predict what will happen. If you’re an insurance company, you only care about getting your bets right — you need to have a good idea which homes will be destroyed by the flood, but you don’t need to understand why. You know that your business involves uncertainty, and these predictions are only estimates. If all you want to do is predict, that’s fine.
But in most cases, we want more than just prediction. If you’re a doctor choosing between two surgeries, you certainly would rather conduct the surgery with the 90% survival rate than the surgery with the 70% survival rate. But you’d ideally like to understand what’s actually going on. Even having chosen the surgery with better odds, what can you do to make sure your patient is in the 90% that survive, rather than the 10% that do not? What are the differences between these two groups? We aspire to do more than just rolling the dice.
Consider this for any other prediction. In the Asch conformity experiments, most participants conformed to the group. From this, we can predict that in similar situations, most people will also conform. But some people don’t conform. Why not? Prediction by itself can’t go any deeper.
Or education. Perhaps we can predict which students will do well in school. We predict that certain students will succeed. But some of these students don’t succeed, and some of the students we thought would be failures do succeed. Why? Prediction by itself can’t go any deeper.
I’m able to recall hundreds of important details at the drop of a hat
There’s something a little easy to miss here, which is that having a really good model is one way to make really good predictions. However good your predictions are when you predict the future by benchmarking off the past, having a good model will make them even better. And, you will have some idea of what is actually going on.
But people often take this lesson in reverse — they think that good predictions are a sign of a good understanding of the processes behind the thing being predicted. It can be easy to just look for good predictions, and think that’s the final measure of a theory. But in reality, you can often make very good predictions despite having no idea of what is actually happening under the hood.
This is why you can operate a car or dishwasher, despite having no idea how they work. You know what will happen when you turn on your dishwasher, or shift your car into reverse. Your predictions are very good, nearly 100%. But you don’t know in a mechanical sense why your car moves backwards when you shift into reverse, or how your dishwasher knows how to shut off when it’s done.
If you want to fix a dishwasher that’s broken, or god forbid design a better one, you need to understand the inner guts of the beast, the mechanical nature of the machine that creates those superficial features that you know how to operate. You “know” how to operate the superficial nature of a TV, but how much do you understand of this:
Let’s take another different example. This Bosch dishwasher has only 6 buttons. Look how simple it is for any consumer to operate:
But look how many parts there are inside. Why are some of the parts such weird shapes? How much of this do you understand? How much of it does the average operator understand:
2. Abstractions
Successful models will always be expressed in terms of entities and rules. That might seem obvious — if you’re going to describe the world, of course you need to propose the units that populate it, and the rules that govern their behavior!
But in fact, people almost never do this. Instead, they come up with descriptions that involve neither entities nor rules. These are called abstractions.
Abstractions group similar observations together into the same category. But this is superficial, because the classification is based on the surface-level attributes of the observations, not their nature. All crabs look similar, but as we’ve learned more about their inner nature, what we call DNA, we learned that some of these crabs are only superficially similar, that they came to their crab-like design from entirely different places. The same thing is true of trees.
We certainly cannot do without abstractions like “heat”, “depression”, “democracy”, “airplane”, and so on. Sometimes you do want to group together things based on their outward appearance. But these groups are superficial at best. Airplanes have some things in common abstractly, but open them up, and under the hood you will find that each of them functions in its own way. Democracies have things in common, but each has its own specific and mechanical system of votes, representation, offices, checks and balances, and so on.
Imagine that your car breaks down and you bring it to a mechanic and he tells you, “Oh, your car has a case of broken-downness.” You’d know right away: this guy has no idea what he’s talking about. “Broken-downness” is an abstraction; it doesn’t refer to anything, and it’s not going to help you fix a car.
Instead, a good mechanic will describe your car’s problem in terms of entities and rules. “Your spark plugs are shot [ENTITIES], so they can’t make the pistons [ENTITIES] go up and down anymore [RULES].”
It’s easy to see how ridiculous abstractions are when we’re talking about cars, but it can be surprisingly hard to notice them when we’re talking about science.
For instance, if you feel sad all the time, a psychologist will probably tell you that you have “depression.” But depression is an abstraction — it involves no theory of the entities or rules that cause you to feel sad. It’s exactly like saying that your car has “broken-downness.” Abstractions like this are basically useless for solving problems, so it’s not surprising that we aren’t very good at treating “depression.”
Abstractions are often so disassociated from reality that over time they stop existing entirely. We still use words like “heat”, “water”, and “air”, but we mean very different things by these words than the alchemists did. Medieval physicians thought of medicine in terms of four fluids mixing inside your body: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. We still use many of those words today, but the “blood” you look at is not the blood of the humorists.
It’s possible that one day we’ll stop using the word “depression” at all. Some people find that idea crazy — depression is so common, so baked into our culture, that surely it’s going to stick around. But stuff like this happens all the time. In the 19th and 20th centuries, “neurasthenia” was a common diagnosis for people who felt sad, tired, and anxious. It used to be included in the big books of mental disorders, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM)and the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD).
Now it isn’t. But that’s not because people stopped feeling sad, tired, and anxious — it’s because we stopped using “neurasthenia” as an abstraction to describe those experiences. Whatever people learned or wrote about neurasthenia is now useless except for historical study. That’s the thing about abstractions: they can hang around for a hundred years and then disappear, and we can be just as clueless about the true nature of the world as when we began. Don’t even get us started on Brain fag syndrome.
The DSM will never fully succeed because it’s stuck dealing with abstractions. One clue we’re still dealing with geocentric psychology here is that the DSM groups disorders by their symptoms rather than their causes, even though causes can vary widely for the same symptoms (e.g. insomnia can be biological, psychological, or your cat at 3 am).
Imagine doing this for physical diseases instead — if you get really good at measuring coughing, sneezing, aching, wheezing, etc. you may ultimately get pretty good at distinguishing between, say, colds and flus. But you’d have a pretty hard time distinguishing between flu and covid, and you’d have no chance of ever developing vaccines for them, because you have no concept of the systems that produce the symptoms.
Approaches like this, where you administer questionnaires and then try to squeeze statistics out of the responses, will always top out at that level. At best, you successfully group together certain clusters of people or behaviors on the basis of their superficial similarities. This can make us better at treating mental disorders, but not much better.
If you don’t understand problems, it’s very unlikely you will solve them.
Abstractions are dangerous because they seduce you into thinking you know something. Medicine is especially bad at this. Take an abstraction, give it a Latin name, then say “because”, and it sounds like an explanation. You’ve got bad breath? That’s because you have halitosis, which means “bad breath”. This isn’t an explanation; it’s a tautology.
Will the treatment for one case of halitosis work on another case? Impossible to say. It certainly could. One reason things sometimes have the same surface appearance is because they were caused in the same way. But some people have halitosis because they never brush their teeth, some people have it because they have cancer, and other people have it because they have a rotting piece of fish stuck in their nose. Those causes will require different treatments.
— Molière, The Hypochondriac
Abstractions are certainly useful. But by themselves, abstractions are a dead end, because they don’t make specific claims. This is exemplified by flowchart thinking. You can draw boxes “A” and “B” and draw an arrow between them, but what is the specific claim made by this diagram? At most it seems to be that measures of A will be correlated with measures of B, and if the arrow is in one direction only, that changing measures of A will also change measures of B.
That’s fine if this is the level of result you’re satisfied with, but it bears very little resemblance to the successes of the mature sciences. Chemistry’s successes don’t come from little flow charts going PROTON –> GOLD <—> MERCURY. If anything, that flowchart looks a lot more like alchemy.
What you should think of when you see scientific claims using only abstraction
Abstractions can be useful starting points, but they’re bad ending points. For example, people noticed that snow melts in the sunlight and gold melts in a furnace. They noticed that hot water boils and that hot skin burns. It seemed like the same force was at work in all of these cases, so they called it “heat”.
The sensation of warmth, the force of sunlight, the similarities between melting and evaporation, are abstracted: “these go together so well that maybe they are one thing”.
That’s only a starting point. Next you have to take the hypothesis seriously and try to build a model of the thing. What are the entities and rules behind all this warming, melting, and burning?
That’s what Lavoisier did: he came up with a model to try to account for these superficial similarities. Subsequent chemists proposed updates to the entities and the rules that did an even better job, and now we have a model that accounts for heat very well. We still call it “heat”, but because the model is a proposal about the underlying structure, it’s not superficial, so it’s not an abstraction.
The universe of this game is an infinite two-dimensional grid of square cells. This means each cell has eight neighbors, i.e. the cells that are horizontally, vertically, and diagonally adjacent.
The cells have only two properties — each cell is either alive or dead (indicated as black and white); and each cell has a location in the infinite two-dimensional grid. Time occurs in discrete steps and is also infinite. This is the full list of the entities in this world.
At each step in time, the following rules are applied:
Any live cell with fewer than two live neighbors becomes dead.
Any live cell with two or three live neighbors stays alive.
Any live cell with more than three live neighbors becomes dead.
Any dead cell with exactly three live neighbors becomes a live cell.
This is the full list of the rules in this world.
(Remember, black is alive)
All those parts, and no others, come together to create this world. You can try it for yourself here.
Despite being inspired by things like the growth of crystals, Conway’s Game of Life isn’t a model for any particular part of the natural world. However, it is an example of a set of simple entities, and simple rules about how those entities can interact, that gives rise to complex outcomes.
This is the kind of model that has served as the foundation for our most successful sciences: a proposal for a set of entities, their features, and the rules by which they interact, that gives rise to the phenomena we observe.
Instead of being a chain of abstractions, a flowchart that operates under vaguely implied rules, Conway’s Game of Life is a set of entities that interact in specific ways. And because it is so precise, it makes specific claims.
In principle, we can give you any starting state in the Game of Life, and you should be able to apply the rules to figure out what comes next. You can do that for as big of a starting state as you want, or for as many timesteps as you want. The only limit is the resources you are willing to invest. For example, see if you can figure out what happens to this figure in the next timestep:
Or if you want a more challenging example, try this one:
There are, of course, an infinite number of these exercises. Feel free to try it at home. Draw a grid, color in some cells at random, and churn through these rules. Specific claims get made.
In comparison, take a look at this diagram. Wikipedia assures us that the diagram depicts “mental state in terms of challenge level and skill level, according to Csikszentmihalyi’s flow model”:
You might wonder what exactly is being claimed here. Yes, if you are medium challenged and low skilled, you are “worried”. But it’s not clear what that means outside of the context of these words.
This diagram is just mapping abstractions to abstractions. There is no proposal about the entities underlying those abstractions. What, specifically, might be going on when a person is medium skilled, or low challenged? LOW SKILL + HIGH CHALLENGE —> ANXIETY sounds like a scientific statement, but it isn’t. It’s like saying LOW CAR ACTIVITY + HIGH AMOUNTS OF WEIRD NOISES —> CAR BROKEN-DOWNNESS. Forget about such questions, what matters is that HIGH SKILL + HIGH CHALLENGE —> FLOW.
The Big Five is considered one of the best theories in psychology, and provides five dimensions for describing personality, dimensions like extraversion and openness. But the dimensions are only abstractions. The theory doesn’t make any claim about what constitutes being “high openness”, literally constitutes in the sense of what that factor is made up of. The claims are totally superficial. At most, the big five is justified by showing that its measures are predictive. This so-called theory is not scientific.
Modern scientists often claim that they are building models. However, these are usually statistical models. They are based on historical data and can be used to guess what the future will look like, assuming the future looks like the past. Statistical models predict relationships between abstract variables, but don’t attempt to model the processes that created the data. A linear regression is a “model” of the data, but no one really thinks that the data entered the world through a linear model like the one being used to estimate it.
This is made even more confusing because there is another totally different kind of “statistical model” found in fields like statistical physics. These are models in the sense that we mean. Despite involving the word “statistical”, they are nothing like a linear regression. Instead of looking backwards at historical data of abstract variables, models in statistical physics take hypothetical particles and step them forward, in an attempt to describe the collective behavior of complex systems from microscopic principles about how each particle behaves. These models are “statistical” only in the sense that they use probability to attempt to describe collective behavior in systems with many particles.
We want a model that is a proposal for simple entities, their properties, and the rules that govern them, that can potentially give rise to the natural phenomena we’re interested in. The difference between the Game of Life and a genuine scientific model is simply that while the Game of Life is an artificial set of entities and rules that are true by fiat, answering to nothing at all about the real world, a scientific model is a proposal for a set of entities and rules that could be behind some natural phenomenon. All we have to do is see if they are a good match.
Particle Man
Physics first got its legs with a model that goes something like this. The world is made up of bodies that exist in three-dimensional space and one-dimensional time. The most important properties of bodies are their mass, velocity, and position. They interact according to Newton’s laws. There are also some forces, like gravity, though the idea of forces was very controversial at first.
If you read Newton’s laws, you’ll see that these are the only entities he mentions. Bodies that have mass, speed/velocity, and a location in time according to space. Also there is a brief mention of forces.
Since this model was invented, things have gotten much more complicated. We now have electrical forces, Einstein changed the nature of the entities for space/time/mass, and there is all sorts of additional nonsense going on at the subatomic level.
We were able to get to this complicated model by starting with a simpler model that was partially right, a model that made specific claims about the entities and rules underlying the physical world, and therefore made at least somewhat specific predictions. These predictions were wrong enough to be useful, because they could be tested. Claims about the rules and entities could be challenged, and the models could be refined. They did more than simply daisy-chain together a series of abstractions.
Time for a motivational poster
Coming up with the correct model on the first go is probably impossible. But coming up with a model that is specific enough to be wrong is our responsibility. Specific enough to be wrong means proposals about entities and rules, rather than superficial generalizations and claims about statistical relationships.
Like Lavoisier, we should be largely unconcerned as to whether these models are real or purely hypothetical. We should be more concerned about whether it “explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.” Remember that “we are not obliged to suppose this to be a real substance”!
As another example, consider different models of the atom.
Dalton was raised in a system where elements had been discovered by finding substances that could not be broken down into anything else. Hydrogen and oxygen were considered elements because water could be separated into both gases, but the gases themselves couldn’t be divided. So Dalton thought of atoms as indivisible.
When electrons were discovered, we got a plum pudding model. When Rutherford found that atoms were mostly empty space, we got a model with a small nucleus and electrons in orbit. Emission spectra and other observations led to electron shells rather than orbits. None of these models were right, but they were mechanical and accounted for many observations.
The Nature of Science
Anyways, what is science?
Most people these days claim that the legitimacy of science comes from the fact that it’s empirical, that you’re going out and collecting data. You see this in phrases like, “ideas are tested by experiment”. As a result, people who do any kind of empirical work often insist they are doing science.
Testing ideas by experiment is essential — what else are you going to rely on, authority figures? But what kind of ideas are tested by experiment? Science can’t answer normative ideas, like “how should I raise my child?” or “what kind of hat is best?” It also can’t answer semantic ideas like “is a hot dog a sandwich?”
Some things are empirical but don’t seem very much like science at all. For example, imagine a study where we ask the question, “are red cars faster than blue cars?” You can definitely go out and get a set of red cars and a set of blue cars, race them under controlled conditions, and get an empirical answer to this question. But something about this seems very wrong — it isn’t the kind of thing we imagine when we think about science, and doesn’t seem likely to be very useful.
Similarly, you could try to get an empirical answer to the question, “who is the most popular musician?” There are many different ways you could try to measure this — record sales, awards, name recognition, etc. — and any approach you chose would be perfectly empirical. But again, this doesn’t really feel like the same thing that Maxwell and Newton and Curie were doing.
You could object to these studies on the grounds that the questions are moving targets. Certain musicians are very popular today, but someday a different musician will be more popular. Even if right now, across all cars, red cars are faster than blue cars, that may not be true in the future, may not always be true in the past. If you go far enough back in time, there weren’t any cars at all.
You could also object that the results aren’t very stable, they can be easily altered. If we paint some of our red cars blue, if we spend some marketing dollars on one musician over another, the empirical answer to these questions could change.
Both of these complaints are correct. But they identify symptoms, not causes. They reflect why the questions are nonsensical, but they’re not the source of the nonsense.
Better to say, these studies are unscientific because they make no claim about the underlying entities.
We say that science is when metaphysical proposals about the nature of the entities that give rise to the world around us are tested empirically. In short, you propose entities and rules that can be tested, and then you test your proposal. Science does have to be empirical. But being empirical is not enough to make something science.
A good way to think of this is that we’re looking for a science that is not merely empirical, but mechanical, in the sense of getting at a mechanism. The ideal study tries to get a handle on proposals about the mechanics of some part of the natural world. And you can only get at the mechanics by making a proposal for entities and rules that might produce parts of the natural world that we observe.
This isn’t always possible at first. When you hear there’s some hot new mold that cures infections, your first question should be plain and empirical — does it actually cure infections or not? The practical reason to firmly establish empirical results is to avoid dying of infections. But the scientific reason is so that you can come around and say, “now that we have established that this happens, let’s try to figure out why it happens.” Now you are back to mechanism.
But you still have to be careful, because many things that people think are mechanisms are actually more abstractions. Psychology gets this wrong all the time. Let’s pick on the following diagram, which is theoretically a claim about mechanism, i.e. the mechanism by which your death/life IAT is correlated with some measure of depression. But “zest for life” isn’t a proposal for a mechanism, it’s just another abstraction. You need a specific proposal of what is happening mechanically for something to be a mechanism.
Incidentally, this suggests that having a background in game design may give you a serious leg up as a theoretical scientist.
Game designers can’t be satisfied with abstractions. Their job is to invent mechanisms, to fill a world with entities and laws that make the gameplay they want to make possible, possible; the gameplay they don’t want impossible; and that help players have the intended experience.
Compare this story from Richard Feynman:
[My Father] was happy with me, I believe. Once, though, when I came back from MIT (I’d been there a few years), he said to me, “Now that you’ve become educated about these things, there’s one question I’ve always had that I’ve never understood very well.”
I asked him what it was.
He said, “I understand that when an atom makes a transition from one state to another, it emits a particle of light called a photon.”
“That’s right,” I said.
He says, “Is the photon in the atom ahead of time?”
“No, there’s no photon beforehand.”
“Well,” he says, “where does it come from, then? How does it come out?”
I tried to explain it to him—that photon numbers aren’t conserved; they’re just created by the motion of the electron—but I couldn’t explain it very well. I said, “It’s like the sound that I’m making now: it wasn’t in me before.” (It’s not like my little boy, who suddenly announced one day, when he was very young, that he could no longer say a certain word—the word turned out to be “cat”—because his “word bag” had run out of the word. There’s no word bag that makes you use up words as they come out; in the same sense, there’s no “photon bag” in an atom.)
He was not satisfied with me in that respect. I was never able to explain any of the things that he didn’t understand. So he was unsuccessful: he sent me to all these universities in order to find out those things, and he never did find out.
You can see why Feynman’s father found this frustrating. But to a game designer, nothing could be more trivial than to think that God designed things so that atoms spawn photons whenever the rules call for it. Where were the photons before? The question isn’t meaningful: “photons” is just a number in the video game engine, and when the rules say there should be new photons, that number goes up.
This is also why abstractions don’t work for science. Listening to someone explain a new board game is already one of the most frustrating experiences of all time. But imagine someone explaining the rules to you in abstractions rather than in mechanics.
In Settlers of Catan, the universe is an island consisting of 19 hexagonal tiles. Settlements can be built at the intersections of tiles, and tiles generate resources depending on their type. The game could be described abstractly. But this is not as useful as describing it mechanically:
MR. ABSTRACTIO: You can make a new settlement with resources. Maritime trade creates value. The player with the best economy wins. Okay, let’s play!
MR. MECHANICO: Building a new settlement requires a Brick, Lumber, Wool, and Grain card. A settlement or a city on a harbor can trade the resource type shown at 3:1 or 2:1 as indicated. You win by being the first to reach 10 victory points, and you earn victory points from settlements (1 point each), cities (2 points each), certain development cards (1 point each), having the longest road (2 points), and having the largest army (2 points).
Another source of unappreciated mechanical thinking is video game speedrunners. Game designers have a god’s-eye view of science, as they make the rules of a world from scratch; speedrunners are more like scientists and engineers, using experiments to infer the underlying rules of the world, and then exploiting the hell out of them.
With a deep enough understanding of Super Mario World, you can use Mario’s actions to add your own code to the game, and reprogram the world to play Flappy Bird
Many sciences like neuroscience and nutrition pretend to be model-building, but are actually just playing with abstractions. They appear to make claims about specific entities, but on closer inspection, the claims are just abstractions in a flowchart.
This can be hard to spot because many of these entities, like neurotransmitters or vitamins, really are specific entities in the chemical sense. But in neuroscience and nutrition these entities are often invoked only as abstractions, where they interact abstractly (e.g. more of X leads to more of Y) rather than mechanically. They tell you, “X upregulates Y.” How fascinating, what are the rules that lead to this as a consequence?
If you ask me how a car works, and I say “well right here is the engine, and there are the wheels, and the steering wheel, that’s inside,” and so on, you’d quickly come to the conclusion that I have no idea how a car actually works.
Explanations are often given in terms of abstractions. “Please doc, why am I depressed?” “Easy, son: Not enough dopamine.” If you’re like us, you’ve always found these “explanations” unsatisfying. This is because abstractions can’t make sense of things. They just push the explanatory burden on an abstract noun, and hope that you don’t look any deeper.
Explanations need to be in terms of something, and scientific explanations need to be in terms of a set of entities and their relationships. Why do sodium and chlorine form a salt? Because one of them has one extra electron in its outer shell, leading to a negative charge, while one has one missing electron in its outer shell, leading to a positive charge, and they form an ionic bond. This is why chlorine also readily forms a salt with potassium, etc. etc. The observed behavior is explainable in terms of the entities and their properties we’ve inferred over several hundred years of chemistry, interacting according to the rules we’ve inferred from the same.
The fake version of this can be hard to spot. “Why am I depressed? Not enough dopamine” sounds a lot like “Why does my car not start? Not enough gasoline.” But the second one, at least implicitly, leads to a discussion of spark plugs, pistons, and fuel pumps acting according to simple rules, genuine mechanics’ mechanics. The first one promises such an implied mechanism but, in our understanding at least, does not deliver.
This also dissolves one of our least-favorite discussions about psychology, whether or not there are “real truths in the social sciences”. There may or may not be real truths in the social sciences. But human behavior, and psychology more generally, is definitely the result of some entities under the hood behaving in some way, and we can definitely do more to characterize those entities and how they interact.
Would you live longer if you ate less salt? How much longer? We can guess, but we don’t really know. To really be sure, we’d need to take two groups of people, get them to eat different amounts of salt, and then see how long they live.
This way of thinking follows a particular strict standard, namely “randomized controlled experiments are the only way to infer causality”. But this isn’t really how things have ever worked. This is pure extrapolation, not model-building. In contrast to the impressionistic research of inventing abstractions, you might call this brute-force empiricism.
Experiments are useful, but we can’t let them distract from the real goal of science, which is building models that work towards a mechanistic understanding of the natural world.
To get to the moon, we didn’t build two groups of rockets and see which group made it to orbit. Instead, over centuries we painstakingly developed a mechanical understanding of physics, or at least a decent model of physics, that allowed us to make reasonable guesses about what kind(s) of rockets might work. There was a lot of testing involved, sure, but it didn’t look like a series of trials where we did head-to-head comparisons of hundreds of pairs of rocket designs, one pair at a time.
So to “get to the live longer”, we probably won’t build a low-salt and high-salt diet and fire them both at the moon. Instead we will, slowly, eventually, hopefully, develop a mechanical understanding of what salt does in the body, where things are likely to go well, and where they’re likely to go wrong. Then we will compare these models to observations over time, to confirm that the models are roughly correct and that things are going as anticipated, and we’ll correct the models as we learn more.
It won’t look like two groups of people eating broadly different diets in large groups. That is science done with mittens. There is a better way than losing all articulation and mashing together different conditions.
Astronomy may have forced us to do science the right way because it enforces a “look but don’t touch” approach. Newton didn’t run experiments where he tried the solar system one way and then tried it the other way. Instead he (and everyone else) looked, speculated, came up with models, and saw which models would naturally cause the action they had already seen in the heavens. None of the models were entirely right, but some of them were close, and some of them made interesting predictions. And in time, some of them got us to the moon.
Philosophy Time
These are the insights you need to make sense of the famously confusing but deeply insightful philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn.
One-paragraph background on Kuhn: Thomas Kuhn was a philosopher of science who introduced the concept of “paradigms”. According to Kuhn, each science (biology, chemistry, etc.) is built on a paradigm, and scientific progress is more than the slow accumulation of facts, it involves revolutions, where an old paradigm is tossed out and a new one installed as the new foundation.
But even though it’s his biggest concept, Kuhn can be kind of vague about what a “paradigm” involves, and this has led to a lot of confusion. So let’s try to pin it down.
A paradigm is not just a shared set of assumptions or tools and techniques. If it were, any tennis club would have a paradigm.
A paradigm is specifically a proposal (or rather, class of proposals) about the entities, properties, and relationships that give rise to some natural phenomenon.
Kuhn says:
Effective research scarcely begins before a scientific community thinks it has acquired firm answers to questions like the following: What are the fundamental entities of which the universe is composed? How do these interact with each other and with the senses? What questions may legitimately be asked about such entities and what techniques employed in seeking solutions? At least in the mature sciences, answers (or full substitutes for answers) to questions like these are firmly embedded in the educational initiation that prepares and licenses the student for professional practice.
(The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Chapter 1)
Why “a class of proposals” and not “a proposal”? Well, because the specifics are always very much up for debate, or at least subject to empirical scrutiny. Any particular proposal, with exact values and all questions pinned down, cannot be a paradigm. A paradigm is a general direction that includes some flexibility.
For example, we may not know if the mass of a specific particle is 2 or 1 or 156 or 30,532 — but we do agree that things are made up of particles and that one of the things you can say about a particle is that it has some mass.
There may even be disagreement about the limits of the proposal itself — can the mass of a particle be any real number, say 1.56, or is mass limited to the positive integers, like 2, 4, and 10? Can the mass of a particle be negative? But in general we have a basic agreement on what kind of thing we are looking for, i.e. the types of entities, their features, and their interactions.
Kuhn gives an example based on Descartes’s corpuscularism. Descartes didn’t give a specific proposal about exactly what kinds of corpuscules there are, or exactly the rules by which they can interact. Instead, it was more of an open-ended suggestion: “hey guys, seems like a good model for physics would be something in the class of proposals where all things are made up of tiny particles”:
After the appearance of Descartes’s immensely influential scientific writings, most physical scientists assumed that the universe was composed of microscopic corpuscles and that all natural phenomena could be explained in terms of corpuscular shape, size, motion, and interaction. That nest of commitments proved to be both metaphysical and methodological. As metaphysical, it told scientists what sorts of entities the universe did and did not contain: there was only shaped matter in motion. As methodological, it told them what ultimate laws and fundamental explanations must be like: laws must specify corpuscular motion and interaction, and explanation must reduce any given natural phenomenon to corpuscular action under these laws. More important still, the corpuscular conception of the universe told scientists what many of their research problems should be. For example, a chemist who, like Boyle, embraced the new philosophy gave particular attention to reactions that could be viewed as transmutations.
(The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Chapter 4)
Kuhn’s arguments definitely line up with one proposal: a book by the cyberneticist William Powers, called Behavior: The Control Of Perception. And the two men must have recognized at least some of this in each other, judging from the blurb that Kuhn wrote for Powers’s book:
Powers’ manuscript, Behavior: The Control of Perception, is among the most exciting I have read in some time. The problems are of vast importance, and not only to psychologists; the achieved synthesis is thoroughly original; and the presentation is often convincing and almost invariably suggestive. I shall be watching with interest what happens to research in the directions to which Powers points.
And it’s worth considering what Powers says about models:
In physics both extrapolation and abstract generalization are used and misused, but the power of physical theories did not finally develop until physical models became central. A model in the sense I intend is a description of subsystems within the system being studied, each having its own properties and all—interacting together according to their individual properties—being responsible for observed appearances.
As you can see, this is another description of a model based on rules and entities.
The final concept to take away here is that these models are mechanistic. There’s a reason that Descartes was celebrated for his mechanical philosophy. When you assume the universe is akin to a gigantic clock, a real machine where the hands and numbers on the face are driven by the interaction of gears and levers below, your theories will be mechanical too. They will appeal to the interaction of gears and wires, rather than to abstract notions of what is happening on the clock face. (“The minute-hand has minute-force, and that’s why it moves faster than the hour-hand, which only has hour-force.”)
If a model is not mechanical in this way, if it does not speculate about the action of mechanisms beneath what is seen, it will be superficial. And it is not enough to speculate about things beneath. You can layer abstractions on abstractions (e.g. your anxiety is caused by low self-esteem). But you can’t design a watch without talking about individual pieces and how they will interact according to fixed rules.
A Third Direction for the Mind
Psychology is pre-paradigmatic. It’s not simply that we can’t agree on what entities make up the mind — it’s that there have been almost no proposals for these entities in the first place. There are almost no models, or even proposals for models, that could actually give rise to even a small fraction of the behavior we observe. A couple hundred years of psychology, and almost all we have to show for it are abstractions.
But there are a few exceptions, proposals that really did try to build a model.
The first major exception is Behaviorism. This was an attempt to explain all human and animal behavior in the terms of reward, punishment, stimulus, and muscle tension, according to the laws of association. If, after some stimulus, some muscle tension was followed by reward, there would be more of that muscle tension in the future following that stimulus; if followed by punishment, there would be less.
This ended up being a terrible way to do psychology, but it was admirable for being an attempt at describing the whole business in terms of a few simple entities and rules. It was precise enough to be wrong, rather than vague to the point of being unassailable, which has been the rule in most of psychology.
A more popular proposal is the idea of neural networks. While models based on this proposal can get pretty elaborate, at the most basic level the proposal is about a very small set of entities (neurons and connections) that function according to simple rules (e.g. backpropagation). And it’s hard to look at modern deep learning and large language models and not see that they create some behavior that resembles behaviors from humans and animals.
That said, it’s not clear how seriously to take neural networks as a model for the mind. Despite the claim of being “neural”, these models don’t resemble actual neurons all that much. And there’s a thornier problem, which is that neural networks are extremely good function approximators. You can train a neural network to approximate any function; which means that seeing a neural network approximate some function (even a human behavior like language) is not great evidence that the thing it is approximating is also the result of a neural network.
Finally, there is a proposal that the main entities of the mind are negative feedback loops, and that much or even all of psychology can be explained in terms of the action of these feedback loops when organized hierarchically. This proposal is known as cybernetics.
The riff trial is a new type of study design. In most studies, all participants sign up for the same protocol, or for a small number of similar conditions. But in a riff trial, you start with a base protocol, and every participant follows their own variation. Everyone tests a different version of the original protocol, and you see what happens.
As the first test of this new design, we decided to riff on one of our previous studies: the potato diet. For many people, eating a diet of nothing but potatoes (or almost nothing but potatoes) causes quick, effortless weight loss, 10.6 lbs on average. It’s not a matter of white-knuckling through a boring diet — people eat as much (potato) as they want, and at the end of a month of spuds, they say things like, “I was quite surprised that I didn’t get tired of potatoes. I still love them, maybe even more so than usual?!”
Why the hell does this happen? Well, there are many theories. The hope was that running a riff trial would help get a sense of which theories are plausible, try to find some boundary conditions, or just more randomly explore the diet-space. We thought it might also help us figure out if there are factors that slow, stop, or perhaps even accelerate the rate of weight loss we saw on the full potato diet.
In the first two months after launching the riff trial, we heard back from ten riffs. Those results are described in the First Potato Riffs Report. Generally speaking, we learned that Potatoes + Dairy seems to work just fine, at least for some people, and we saw more evidence against the idea that the potato diet works because you are eating only one thing (people still lost weight eating more than one thing), or because the diet is very bland (it isn’t).
Between January 5th and March 18th, 2024, we heard back from an additional seventeen riffs. Those results are described in the Second Potato Riffs Report. Generally speaking, we learned that Potatoes + Dairy still seems to work just fine. Adding other vegetables may have slowed progress, and the protein results were mixed. However, the Potatoes + Skittles riff was an enormous success.
Between March 18th and October 9th, 2024, we heard back from an additional eleven riffs. Those results are described in the Third Potato Riffs Report. Generally speaking, we saw continued support for Potatoes + Dairy.
The trial is closed, but since the last report, we’ve heard back from an additional two riffs, which we will report in a moment. This gives us a total of 40 riffs in this riff trial. Note that this is not the same as 40 participants, since some people reported multiple riffs, and a few riffs were pairs of participants.
Participant 87259648 did a Fried Potatoes riff, specifically, “mostly fried in a mix of coconut oil and tallow or lard” and continuing her “normal daily coffees with raw whole milk, heavy cream, honey and white sugar.”
Despite consuming only “around 30 percent potato on average”, she lost a small amount of weight and “found [the] diet to be easy and enjoyable, I never felt sick of potato although I did have a hard time getting myself to eat MORE potato each day.”
Participant 80826704 was formerly participant 41470698, but asked for a new number to do a new kind of riff. In Riff Trial Report Two, he had done Potatoes + Eggs as participant 41470698 and lost almost no weight. This time, he did a full potato diet and lost a lot of weight, more than 13 lbs:
Mean weight change was 6.4 lbs lost, with the most gained being 5.2 lbs and the most lost being two people who both lost 19.8 lbs. One person gained weight, one person saw no change, one person reported no data, and the rest lost weight. One person also gained 6.3 lbs on “Whole Foods” + Chocolate, but this was not a potato diet (only about 10% of her diet was potatoes).
Here are all the completed riffs, plotted by the amount of weight change and sorted into very rough riff categories:
There are also a large number of people who signed up, but never reported closing their riff. We’re not going to analyze them at this point, but all signup data is available on the OSF if you want to take a look at the demographics.
Things we Learned about the Potato Diet
The potato diet continues to be really robust. You can eat potatoes and ketchup, protein powder, or even skittles, and still lose more than 10 lbs in four weeks.
The main thing we learned is that Potatoes + Dairy works almost as well as the normal potato diet. There were many variations, but looking at the 10 cases that did exclusively potatoes and dairy, the average weight lost on these riffs was 9.2 lbs. This is pretty comparable to the 10.6 lbs lost on the standard potato diet, suggesting that Potatoes + Dairy is almost as good as potatoes by themselves (though probably not better).
We didn’t see much evidence that there might be a protocol more effective than the potato diet. This is sad, because it would have been really funny if Potatoes + Skittles turned out to be super effective.
That said, three riffs did do unusually well, and it’s still possible that there is some super-potato-diet that causes more weight loss than potatoes on their own, or that’s better in some other way.
There’s some evidence that meat, oil, vegetables, and especially eggs make the potato diet less effective. But with such a small sample, it’s hard to know for sure. This could be a productive direction for future research. You could organize it as an RCT, and compare a Just-Potato condition to a Potato + Other Thing condition. Or an individual could test this by first doing a potato diet with one of these extra ingredients for a few weeks, then removing the extra ingredient and doing a standard potato diet for a few weeks as comparison.
The strongest evidence is against eggs, because participant 41470698 / 80826704 did exactly that. First he did a Potatoes + Eggs riff and lost only 1.8 lbs. Then he did a standard potato diet and lost 13.2 lbs. That’s not proof positive, but it’s a pretty stark comparison. If that happens in general, it would be hard not to conclude that eggs stop potatoes from working their weight-loss wonders.
Current Potato Recommendation
If you want to try the potato diet for weight loss, our current recommendation is this funnel:
Start by getting about 50% of your diet from potatoes and see how well that works.
If you want to be more aggressive, switch to Potatoes + Dairy. Try to get at least 95% of your diet each day from potatoes and dairy products, but don’t worry about small amounts of cheating.
If you want to be more aggressive, switch to the original potato diet. Try to get at least 95% of your diet each day from potatoes, but don’t worry about small amounts of cheating.
If you want to be more aggressive, switch to a strict potato diet. Try to get almost 100% of your calories each day from potatoes, allowing for a small amount of cooking oil or butter, salt, hot sauce, spices, and no-calorie foods like coffee.
If dairy doesn’t work for you for some reason (like you’re a vegan, or you just hate milk), consider replacing Step 2 with a different riff that showed good results, like Potatoes + Lentils or Potatoes + Skittles.
Remember to get vitamin A. Mixing in some sweet potatoes is a good idea for this reason.
Remember to get plenty of water. Thirst can feel different on the potato diet, you will need to drink more water than you expect.
Remember to eat! In potato mode, hunger signals often feel different. But if you don’t eat you will start to feel terrible, even if you don’t feel hungry. If anything, eating a good amount of potatoes each day may make you lose weight faster than you would skipping meals.
If the potato diet makes you miserable, try the three steps above. If you try those three steps and you’re still miserable, stop the diet.
Things we Learned about Doing Riff Trials
This is the first-ever riff trial. But it won’t be the last. So for the next time someone does one of these, here’s what we’ve learned about how to do them right.
#1: It Works
We hoped that riff trials would use the power of parallel search to quickly explore the boundary conditions of the base protocol, and discover what might make it work better or worse.
This works. We had suspected that dairy might stop the potato effect, but we quickly learned that we were wrong. We saw that the potato effect is also sometimes robust to lots of other foods, like skittles. And we saw that other foods, like eggs and meat, seem like they might interfere with the weight-loss effect.
#2: You May Have to Encourage Diversity
That said, there was not as much diversity in the riffs as we might have hoped.
Most people signed up for some version of Potatoes + Dairy. This was great because it provided a lot of evidence that Potatoes + Dairy works, and works pretty damn well. But it was not great for the riff trial’s ability to explore the greater space of possible riffs.
In future riff trials, the organizers should think about what they can do to encourage people to sign up for different kinds of riffs. If you don’t, there’s a good chance you’ll find that most of your scouting parties went off in the same direction, and that’s not ideal if you want to really explore the landscape.
One way to do this would be to run a riff trial with multiple rounds. First, you have a small number of people sign up and complete their riffs. Then, you take some of the most interesting riffs from the first round and encourage people to sign up to riff off of those. You could even do three or four rounds.
In fact, this is kind of what we did. Since we reported the results in waves, and had rolling signups, some people were definitely inspired to try things like Potatoes + Dairy or Potatoes + Lentils because of what they saw from completed riffs. But we could have done this even more explicitly, and that might be a good idea in the future.
#3: Riff Trials Harness Cultural Evolution
There’s no formal skincare riff trial. But it does kind of exist anyway. People get interested in skincare, and go look at other people’s routines. They copy the routines they like, but usually with some modifications. This is all it takes for skincare protocols to mutate, combine, and spread through the population, getting better and better over time.
The same is true of any protocol floating out there in the culture, including the potato diet itself. Even if we hadn’t run the riff trial, people would have experimented with potato diets for the next 10 or 20 years, trying new variations and learning new things about the diet-space. But this process would have been slow, and it would have been hard to tell what we were learning, because the results would have been spread out over time and space.
The fact that we planted our flag and ran this as a riff trial didn’t change the nature of this exploration. But making it one study, clearly marking out its existence, definitely sped things up, and helps make all the riffs easier to compare and interpret.
87259648 – Fried Potatoes
Riff
Potatoes, mostly fried in a mix of coconut oil and tallow or lard. I will continue with my normal daily coffees with raw whole milk, heavy cream, honey and white sugar. Maybe occasional fruit on cheat days but mostly just potatoes, dairy, coconut oil, tallow, coffee and honey/sugar. 28 days. My reasoning for choosing this is that fried potatoes are delicious, i really don’t want to give up my coffee routine, or waste the raw milk that i get through a cow share, and anecdotally, coconut oil and stearic acid have both been reported to help with weight loss.
Report
So I didn’t lose a lot of weight, but I definitely lost somewhere between 3 – 6.5 lbs (hard to tell due to fluctuations in water weight) and an inch off my waist despite doing a pretty relaxed version of the diet.
What I ended up doing was a diet of around 30 percent potato on average (even though I only ate potatoes for dinner and “grazed” on smallish things throughout the rest of the day, it was hard for me to get past around 30 percent potato calorie-wise). The rest of my diet was mostly dairy (raw milk, heavy cream, sour cream, butter, cheese and occasional ice cream), fruit, sugar (and sugary drinks), honey, chocolate and saturated fats (coconut oil and beef tallow).
I rarely boiled the potatoes so the potato portion of the diet was mainly peeled yellow or red potatoes pan-fried in a mixture of tallow and coconut oil, baked russet potatoes with the skins, or roasted red and yellow baby potatoes with the skins.
I occasionally supplemented extra potassium, as well as other supplements. Around day 5 I started drinking coconut water in order to get extra potassium.
I found this diet to be easy and enjoyable, I never felt sick of potato although I did have a hard time getting myself to eat MORE potato each day. The skins didn’t seem to bother me. Something about the diet definitely seemed to have an appetite lowering effect, although my appetite did fluctuate from day to day. I never intentionally cut calories or deprived myself of anything I really wanted. So even on the very low calorie days I ate as much as I felt like eating that day. (i am used to doing extended fasts so this is not super unusual for me, but I DO think that the extra potassium or something DID result in more days than usual where I didn’t feel like eating as much).
I didn’t exercise any more or less than I usually do.
My husband and another male family member did even less strict versions of the diet along with me (potatoes for dinner, whatever else they wanted the rest of the day) and they both seemed to lose more weight than I did, but they didn’t keep track of any data. I’m a 49 year old female, the other two men are 49 and 66. In the last couple years it has gotten much harder for me to lose weight, and I have been pretty fatigued in general. I didn’t notice any extra energy on this diet, but appetite did often seem suppressed.
I didn’t observe any noteworthy reduction in pulse or body temperature over the course of the diet. Three weeks after finishing the diet I have not been able to keep the weight off and am back up to 190.
I kept track of everything in the Cronometer app, so if you have any questions I can access some data that’s even more specific from there, let me know!
80826704 – Only Potatoes
Riff
Formerly participant 41470698, who asked for a new number: “I would like to try the full potato diet at some point during 2024. Could you prepare a new Google Sheet for me for this purpose?”
Report
I completed the potato only version in August, but neglected to send you a report. Happy to report that I’ve completed it and filled the 4 week sheet.
In terms of feeling it was very similar to my riff experiment. In terms of results this has been completely different. One thing I am now throughly convinced about is the “ad libitum” part. I am hungry, I eat. It’s so simple it’s scandalous, but it’s been buried under years of well meant status quo advice.
From that point it simply matters which food types I eat. Even if the lithium hypothesis turns out wrong, this part I am thoroughly convinced about now.
Difficulty
In a way this was easier than potatoes + eggs. One reason I remember for this was the forced pre-planning. Because I knew I was going to eat only potatoes I generally tried to peel way more potatoes than I was hungry for. Because of this, for the next meal I would have potatoes already lying around. I could then eat those as-is, or more tasty, (re-)baking them in a frying pan.
Somehow I had less inclination to cheat.
I’ve also gone to McDonalds like 6 times, ordering only fries without sauce. And a lot of fries from a Snackbar (https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Snackbar). It’s super convenient when going by train to just order a big portion of fries without sauce.
Fun stuff
Potatoes are fucking delicious by the way. I’ve taken to eating them without sauce, because now it just feels like potatoes with sauce taste like sauce. And then I’m missing the potato flavor. Maillard reaction for the win.
With a group of friends I did a “potato tasting”. I bought 8 breeds of potatoes and cooked them with the oven or boiled. So we tasted 16 different kinds. People were truly surprised by the amount of variation.
My surprise was mostly about how difficult the different breeds were to peel. Some potatoes are truly monsters.
Here, we describe the unique case of a 50-year-old self-experimenting female virologist with locally recurrent muscle-invasive breast cancer who was able to proceed to simple, non-invasive tumour resection after receiving multiple intratumoural injections of research-grade virus preparations, which first included an Edmonston-Zagreb measles vaccine strain (MeV) and then a vesicular stomatitis virus Indiana strain (VSV), both prepared in her own laboratory.
This Tiny Fish’s Mistaken Identity Halted a Dam’s Construction — Since the boundaries between species aren’t objective, zoologists can say that a small subpopulation of an animal is a “new species”, which then requires conservation because it only lives in one stream/valley/etc.
NikoMcCarty: “The weight of giant pumpkins has increased 20-fold in half a century. Humans are ridiculously good at breeding fruits. Data from the ‘Safeway World Championship Pumpkin Weigh-Off.’”