The Mind in the Wheel – Part I: Thermostat

[PROLOGUE – EVERYBODY WANTS A ROCK]


When the hands that operate the motor lose control of the lever;
When the mind of its own in the wheel puts two and two together…

Thermostat, They Might Be Giants

There are lots of ways to die. 

To avoid biting the dust, lots of things need to be juuuust right. If you get too hot or too cold, you die. If you don’t eat enough food, you die. But if you eat too much food, you also die. If you produce too much blood, or too little blood, if you [other thing], if you [third thing], dead dead dead.

It’s a miracle that organisms pull this off. How do they do it? Easy: they make thermostats.

Go to Zero

A thermostat is a simple control system. 

Thermostats are designed to keep your house at a certain temperature. You don’t want the house to get much hotter than the target temperature, and you don’t want it to get much colder. 

To make this happen, the thermostat is designed to drive the temperature of the house towards the target. If you’re not too allergic to anthropomorphism, we can say that the goal of the thermostat is to keep the house at that temperature. Or we can describe it as a control system, and say that the thermostat is designed to control the temperature of the house, keeping it as close to the target as possible.

The basic idea is simple. We divide the world into the inside of the thermostat and the outside of the thermostat, like so: 

To begin with, we need some kind of sensor (sometimes called an input function) that can read the temperature of the house and communicate that information to the inside of the thermostat.

Some sensors are better than others, but it doesn’t really matter. As long as the sensor can get a rough sense of the temperature of the house and transport that information to the guts of the device, the thermostat should be able to do its job. 

The sensor is a part of the thermostat, so we color-code it white, but it interacts with the outside world, so the box sticks a little bit out into the house.

The sensor creates a signal that we call a perception. In this case, the sensor perceives that the house is 68 degrees Fahrenheit.

The sensor can be very simple, like a thermometer that measures the temperature at one spot in the house. Or it can be very complicated — for example, a network of different kinds of sensors all throughout the house, feeding into a complex algorithm that references and weighs each one, providing some kind of statistical average. 

The important thing is that the sensor generates a perception of the thing it’s trying to measure, the signal the control system is aiming to control. In this case, the sensor is trying to get an estimate of the temperature in the house, and it has sensed that the temperature is about 68 ºF.

The thermostat also needs a part that can interpret the signal coming in from the sensor. This part of the thermostat is usually called the comparator.

We call this part the comparator because its main job is to compare the temperature perception coming from the sensor to the target temperature for the house. To compare these two things, the thermostat needs to know the target temperature. So let’s add a set point

The target is set by a human, and in this case we can see that they set it to 72 °F. So the set point for the thermostat is 72 °F. 

If the set point is 72 °F and the sensor detects a temperature of 72 °F, the thermostat doesn’t need to do anything. Everything is all good. When the perception from the sensor is the same as the set point, then assuming the sensor is working correctly, the house is the correct temperature. There is a difference of 0 °F.

But sometimes everything is not all good. Sometimes the set point is 72 °F but the sensor is only reading 68 °F, like it is here. 

In this case, the comparator compares the set point (72 °F) to the perception (68 °F) and finds that there is a difference of -4 °F. The perception of the house’s temperature is four degrees colder than the target, so the house itself is about four degrees colder than we want it to be. 

Having done this math, the comparator creates an error signal, which is simply the difference between the perception and the set point. If there’s no difference between the perception and the set point, then the error signal will be zero, i.e. no difference at all. If the error is zero, the thermostat doesn’t need to do anything. But in this case, the difference between the perception and the set point is -4 °F, so the error signal is -4 °F too.

For the thermostat to do its job, we need to close the loop. The final thing the thermostat needs is some way of influencing the outside world. This is often called the output function or the control element, which is the name we will use here:

Like the sensor, the control element sticks out into the exterior world, to indicate that it can interact with things outside the thermostat.

But you’ll notice that the loop is still not closed. The control element needs ways to influence the outside world.

A really simple thermostat might have only one way to influence things — it might only be able to turn on the furnace, which will raise the temperature: 

But this is a pretty basic thermostat. It can’t control how hot the furnace is running, it can only turn it on or off. 

It will do better if we give it more options. We can improve this thermostat by installing three settings for the furnace, like so:

This is much better. If the house is just a little cold, the control element can turn on the lowest furnace setting. This will keep the thermostat from overshooting the set point and sending the temperature above 72 °F. But if the house is freezing, it can turn on the turbo setting, and drive it to the set point much more quickly. 

But there’s still a problem: our poor thermostat still has no way to lower the temperature. If the house goes above 72 °F, it can’t do a thing. The temperature will go above the set point and stay there until it comes down on its own; the thermostat is powerless. 

This is unacceptable. But we can fix this problem by giving the thermostat access to air conditioning:

The control element can have many different possible outputs. Its job is to measure the error signal and decide what to do about it, and its goal is to drive the error signal to zero, or as close to zero as it can manage.

Similar to the sensor, the control element can be very simple or very complex. A simple control element might just turn on the heat any time the error signal is negative, or when the error signal is below some threshold. A more complicated control element might look at the derivative of the change in temperature over time and try to control the temperature predictively. 

A very smart control element might use machine learning, or might have access to information about the weather, time of day, or day of the week, and might learn to use different strategies in different situations. You could give it a bunch of output options and just let it mess around with them, learning how different outputs influence the error signal in different ways. 

More sophisticated techniques will give you a more effective control system. But as long as the control element has some way to influence the temperature, the thermostat should work ok.

Back in our example thermostat, the temperature in this house is too low, so the control element turns on the furnace. This raises the temperature, driving the error signal towards zero:

Once the error signal is zero, the control element turns off the furnace:

But even with this success, it’s important for the loop to remain closed. Even when the thermostat has driven the house’s temperature to the set point, and driven the error signal to zero, the house is still subject to disturbances. People open the door, they turn on the oven, they spill ice cream on the floor. Some heat escapes through the windows, the sun beats down on the roof. Let’s add disturbances to the diagram: 

Because of these outside disturbances, the temperature of the house is always changing. To control the house’s temperature, to keep it near the set point in the face of all these disturbances, the control system needs to remain active.

This makes it easy to tell whether or not the thermostat is working like it should. Successful behavior drives the temperature (or at least the perception of that temperature) to the set point, and drives the error signal to zero. In the face of disturbances, it keeps the error signal close to zero, or quickly corrects it there.

In many older thermostats, the sensor is a bimetallic coil of brass and steel. Because of differences in the two metals, this coil expands when it gets warmer and contracts when it gets cooler. If this is all set up properly, the coil gives a decent measure of the temperature and helps the rest of the mechanism drive the house’s temperature to a given target. 

But if you were to hold this coil closed, or tie a string around it and pull it tight enough to give a reading of 60 °F, the system will behave as though the temperature is always 60 °F. If the set point is 72 °F, the system will experience a large error signal, just as though the real temperature of the house was 60 °F, and will make a futile attempt to raise the house temperature, pushing as hard as it can, forever, until the thermostat breaks or the coil is released. 

The thing to hold on to here is that every control system produces multiple signals

  1. There will always be some kind of sensory signal as input. 
  2. There will always be some kind of reference or target signal serving as the set point. 
  3. And there will always be an error signal, which under normal conditions will be the difference between the other two signals.

Dividing a control system into individual parts helps us understand what happens when a control system breaks in different ways: 

  1. If something goes wrong with the sensor in a thermostat (like the coil example above), the control system will try to reduce the error between the set point and the perceived temperature, not the actual temperature. 
  2. If something goes wrong with the comparator, producing an incorrect error, then the control system will try to drive that error signal to zero. 
  3. If something goes wrong with the output function, any number of strange things can happen. 

Hello Governor

The thermostat is just an example; control systems are everywhere. The technical term used to describe control systems like these is “cybernetic”, and the study of these systems is called cybernetics

Both words come from the Ancient Greek κυβερνήτης (kubernḗtēs, “steersman”), from κυβερνάω (kubernáō, “I steer, drive, guide, act as a pilot”). Norbert Wiener and Arturo Rosenblueth, who invented the word, chose this term because control systems steer or guide their targets, and because a steersman or pilot acts as a control system by keeping the ship pointed in the right direction.

The English word “governor” comes from the same root (kubernetes -> gubernetes -> Latin gubernator -> Old French gouvreneur -> Middle English governour), so control systems are sometimes called cybernetic governors, or just governors

Most famous of these is the centrifugal governor used to regulate the speed of steam engines. Look closely at any steam engine, and you should see one of these: 

The engine’s output is connected to the governor by a belt or chain, so the governor spins along with the engine. As the engine starts to speed up, the governor spins faster, and its spinning balls gain kinetic energy and move outward, like they’re trying to escape.

This outward movement isn’t just for show; if the motion goes far enough, it causes the lever arms to pull down on a thrust bearing, which moves a beam linkage, which reduces the aperture of a throttle valve, which controls how much steam is getting into the engine. So, the faster the engine goes, the more the governor closes the valve. This keeps the engine from going too fast — it controls the engine’s speed.

Control systems maintain homeostasis, driving a system to some kind of equilibrium. A thermostat controls the temperature of a house, a centrifugal governor controls the speed of a steam engine, but you can control just about anything if you put your mind to it. As long as you can measure a variable in some way, influence it in some way, and you can put a comparator between these two components to create an error signal, you can make a control system to drive that variable towards whatever set point you like.

Control in the Organism

Every organism needs to make sure it doesn’t get too dry, too hot, too cold, etc. If it gets any of these wrong, it dies.

As a result, a lot of biology is made up of control systems. Every organ is devoted to maintaining homeostasis in one way or another. Your kidneys control electrolyte concentrations in your blood, the pancreas controls blood sugar, and the thyroid controls all kinds of crap. 

The brain is a homeostatic organ too. But the brain does homeostasis with a twist. Unlike the other organs, which mostly drive homeostasis by changing things inside the body, the brain controls things with external behavior. 

Thirst

One of the first behavioral control systems to evolve must have been thirst. All animals need water; without water, they die. So the brain has a control system that aims to keep the body hydrated.

This is a control system, just like a thermostat. Hydration is the goal, but that goal needs to be measured in some way. In this case the input function seems to be a measure of plasma osmolality, as detected by the brain. This perception is then compared to a reference value (in humans this is around 280-295 mOsm/kg), which generates an error signal that can drive behaviors like finding and consuming water.

As we see in the diagram, in this control system the error signal is thirst. We can tell this must be the case because successful behavior drives thirst to zero. The perception of osmolality can’t be the error signal, because osmolality is driven to 280-295 mOsm/kg, which is how we know that number is the target or set point. Whatever value is driven towards zero must be the error signal

Just like with a thermostat, the output function can be very simple or very complex. Organisms with simple nervous systems may have only one output; they drink water when it happens to be right in front of them. Animals that live in freshwater streams and ponds may execute a program as simple as “open your mouth”, since they are always immersed in water that is perfectly good for them to drink. 

Organisms with complex nervous systems, or that are adapted to environments where water is more scarce, will have more complex responses. A cat can go to its water bowl. In the dry season, elephants search out good locations and actively dig wells. Humans get in the car and drive to the store and make small talk while exchanging currency to purchase Vitamin Water®, a very complex response. But it’s all to control plasma osmolality by reducing the error signal of thirst to zero.

Hot and Cold

Organisms need to maintain a constant temperature, so the brain also includes systems for controlling heat and cold. 

This adaptation actually consists of two different control systems — one that keeps the body from getting too warm, and another that keeps the body from getting too cold. We have two separate systems, rather than one system that handles both, because of the limits of how neurons can be wired up. “Neural comparators work only for one sense of error, so two comparators, one working with inverted signals, would be required to detect both too much and too little of the sensor output level.” (Powers, 1973)

We can also appeal to intuition — it feels entirely different to be hot or to be cold, they are totally different sensations. And when you are sick, sometimes you feel both too hot and too cold, something that would be impossible if this were a single system. 

As usual, the output function can be simple or complex. Some responses are relatively automatic, like sweating, and might not usually be considered “behavior”. But other responses, like putting on a cardigan, are definitely behavior. 

This is a chance to notice something interesting. A human can shiver, sweat, put on a coat, or open a window to control their temperature. But they can also… adjust the set point on the thermostat for their house! One way a control system can act on the world is by changing the set point of a different control system, and letting that “lower” system carry out the control for it.  

Pain

Organisms need to keep from getting injured, so they have ways to measure damage to their bodies, and a system to control that damage.

Again, we see that pain is the error signal that’s generated in response to some kind of measure of damage or physical harm. 

A very simple control system will respond to pain, and nothing else. This might be good enough for a shellfish. But a more complex approach (not pictured in this diagram) is for the control system to predict how much pain might be coming, and drive behavior to avoid that pain, instead of merely responding. Compare this to a thermostat which can tell a blizzard is incoming, and turns on the furnace in anticipation, before the cold snap actually hits. 

Hunger

Most organisms need to eat in order to live. Once the food is inside your body there are other control systems that put it to the right use, but you need to express some behavior to get it there. So there’s another control system in charge of locating nutritious objects and putting them inside your gob. 

Obviously in this case, the error signal is hunger — successful eating behavior tends to drive hunger to zero.

More realistically, there is not one eating control system, and not one kind of hunger, but several. There might even be dozens. 

One control system probably controls something like your blood sugar level, and drives behavior that makes you put things with calories inside your mouth.

But man cannot live on calories alone, and neither can any other organism. For one thing, you definitely need salt. So there must be another control system that drives behavior to make you put salty things (hopefully salty foods, though perhaps not always) inside your mouth. This is confirmed by the fact that people sometimes crave salty foods. If you’ve ever had a moose lick the salt off your car, you’ll know that we’re right.

It’s hard to tell exactly how many kinds of hunger there are, but humans need several different nutrients to survive, and we clearly can have cravings for many different kinds of foods, so there must be several kinds of hunger. The same goes for other animals. 

Fear

Organisms also need to avoid getting eaten themselves. This is somewhat more tricky than controlling things like heat and fluid levels, but evolution has found a way. 

To accomplish this, organisms have been given a very complicated input function that estimates the threats in our immediate area, by weighing information like “is there anything nearby that looks or sounds like a tiger?” This input function creates a complicated perception that we might call “danger”.

This danger estimate is then compared to some reference level of acceptable danger, creating the error signal of fear. If you are in more danger than is considered acceptable, you RUN AWAY (or local equivalent).

Disgust

Getting eaten is not the only danger we face. Organisms also need to avoid eating poisonous things that will kill them, and avoid contact with things that will expose them to disease. 

Like fear, the input function here is very complicated. It’s not as simple as checking the organism’s blood osmolality or some other internal signal. Trying to figure out what things out there in the world might be poisonous or diseased is a difficult problem. 

But smelling spoiled milk or looking at a rotting carcass clearly creates some kind of signal, which is compared with some reference level, and creates an error signal that drives behavior. That’s why, if you drink too much Southern Comfort and later puke it up, you’ll never want Southern Comfort again.

In this case, the error signal is disgust. 

Shame

Every organism needs to maintain internal homeostasis in order to survive. Organisms that can perceive the world and flop around a bit also tend to develop the ability to control things about the outside world, things like how close they get to predators. This improves their ability to survive even further. 

Social organisms like humans also control social variables. It’s hard to know exactly what variables are being controlled, since they are not as simple as body temperature. They are at least as complicated as an abstract concept like “danger” — something we certainly perceive and can control, but that must be very complicated.

However, we can make reasonable guesses. For one, humans control things like status. You want to make sure that your status in your social group is reasonably high, that it doesn’t go down, that it maybe sometimes even goes up. 

In this case, the error signal when status is too low is probably something like what we call shame. Sadness, loneliness, anger, and guilt all seem to be error signals for similar control systems that attempt to control other social variables. 

Cybernetic Paradigm

Every sense you possess is an instrument for reacting to change. Does that tell you nothing?

Frank Herbert, God Emperor of Dune

Control of blood osmolality leads to an error signal we call thirst. This drives behavior to keep you hydrated. 

Control of body temperature leads to error signals we know as the experiences “hot” and “cold”. These drive behavior to keep you comfortable, even cozy. 

Control of various nutritional values leads to error signals that we collectively call hunger. These drive behavior that involves “chowing down”. 

While they can be harder to characterize, control of social values like status and face lead to error signals we identify with words like “shame” and “guilt”. These drive social behavior like trying to impress people and prove our value to our group.

All of these things are of the same type. They’re all error signals coming from the same kinds of biological control systems, error signals that drive external behavior which, when successful, pushes that error signal towards zero. 

All of these things are of the same type, and the word for this type is “emotion”. An emotion is the error signal in a behavioral biological control system

We say “behavioral” because your body also regulates things like the amount of copper in your blood, but there’s no emotion associated with serum copper regulation. It’s regulated internally, by processes you are unaware of, processes that may not even involve the brain. In contrast, emotions are the biological control errors that drive external behavior.

Thirst, hot, cold, shame, disgust, fear, and all the different kinds of hunger are all emotions. Other emotions include anger, pain, sleepy, need to pee, suffocation, and horny. There are probably some emotions we don’t have words for. All biological error signals that are in conscious awareness and that drive behavior are emotions. 

See!? Emotions! 

Some emotions come in pairs that control two ends of one variable. The emotions of hot and cold are a good example. You try to keep your body temperature in a certain range, so it needs one control system (and one emotion) to keep you from getting too cold, and another control system (and another emotion) to keep you from getting too hot. 

Feeling hot and feeling cold are clearly opposites, two emotions that keep your body temperature in the right range. There’s also an opposite of hunger — the emotion you feel when you have eaten too much and shouldn’t eat any more. We don’t have a common word for it in English, but “fullness” or “satiety” are close. 

But for many goals, there’s only a limit in one direction. You just want to make sure some variable doesn’t get too high or too low. You’ll notice that “need to pee” is an emotion, but it doesn’t have an opposite. While your bladder can be too full, it can’t be too empty, so there’s no emotion for that.

This is counterintuitive to modern psychology because academic psychologists act as though nothing of interest happens below the neck. They couldn’t possibly imagine that “hungry” or “needs to pee” could be important to the study of psychology — even though most human time and energy is spent on eating, sleeping, peeing, fuckin’, etc. 

In contrast, when the goal is to model believable human behavior, and not just to produce longwinded journal articles, these basic drives and emotions come about naturally. Even The Sims knew that “bladder” is one of the eight basic human motivations. 

This is a joke; there are more than eight motivations. But frankly, the list they came up with for The Sims is pretty good. It’s clear that there are drives to keep your body and your living space clean, and it seems plausible that these might be different emotions. We don’t have words for the associated emotions in English, but The Sims calls these motivations “Hygiene” and “Environment” (originally called “Room”).

Happiness and Other Signals

Emotions are easy to identify because they are errors in a control system. Like any error in a control system, successful behavior drives the error to zero. This means that happiness is not an emotion.

After all, it’s clearly not an error signal. Behavior doesn’t try to drive happiness to zero. That means it’s not the same kind of thing as the rest of these signals, which are all clearly error signals. And that means happiness isn’t an emotion. Happiness is some kind of signal, but it’s not an emotion. 

Now you may be thinking, “Hold on a minute there, SMTM. I was on board with you about the biological control systems. I understand how hunger and cold and whatnot are all the error signals of various control systems, that’s very interesting. But you can’t just go around saying that pain and thirst are emotions, and that happiness isn’t an emotion. You can’t just go around using accepted words in totally made-up new ways. That’s not what science is all about.” 

We disagree; we think that this IS what science is all about. Adapting old words to new forms is like half of the project.

For starters, language always changes over time. The word “meteor” comes from the Greek metéōron, which literally meant “thing high up”. For a long time it referred to anything that happened high up, like rainbows, auroras, shooting stars, and unusual clouds. This sense is preserved in meteorology, the study of the weather, i.e. the study of things high up. But in common use, “meteor” is now restricted to space debris burning up as it enters the atmosphere. And there’s nothing wrong with that.

Second, changing the way we use words is a very normal part of any scientific revolution. 

Take this passage from Thomas Kuhn’s essay, What Are Scientific Revolutions?:

Revolutionary changes are different and … problematic. They involve discoveries that cannot be accommodated within the concepts in use before they were made. In order to make or to assimilate such a discovery one must alter the way one thinks about and describes some range of natural phenomena. … [Consider] the transition from Ptolemaic to Copernican astronomy. Before it occurred, the sun and moon were planets, the earth was not. After it, the earth was a planet, like Mars and Jupiter; the sun was a star; and the moon was a new sort of body, a satellite. Changes of that sort were not simply corrections of individual mistakes embedded in the Ptolemaic system. Like the transition to Newton’s laws of motion, they involved not only changes in laws of nature but also changes in the criteria by which some terms in those laws attached to nature.

The same is true of this revolution. Before this transition, happiness and fear were emotions, while hunger was not. After it, hunger is an emotion, like shame and loneliness; happiness is some other kind of signal; and other signals like stress may be new sorts of signals as well. 

As in any revolution, we happen to be using the same word, but the meaning has changed. This kind of change has been a part of science from the beginning. 

Kuhn can be a little hard to follow, so here’s the same idea in language that’s slightly more plain:

Ontologically, where “planet” had meant “lights that wander in the sky,” it now meant “things that go around the sun.” Empirically, the claim was that all the old planets go around the sun, except the moon and the sun itself, so those are not really planets after all. Most troublingly, the earth too goes around the sun, so it is a planet.

The earth does not wander in the sky; it does not glow like the planets; it is extremely large, whereas most planets are mere pinpoints. Why call the earth a planet? This made absolutely no sense in Copernicus’ time. The claim appeared not false, but absurd: a category error. But for Copernicus, the earth was a planet exactly in that it does wander around the universe, instead of sitting still at the center.

Maybe heliocentrism would have succeeded sooner if Copernicus used a different word for his remodeled category! This is a common pattern, though: an existing word is repurposed during remodeling. There is no fact-of-the-matter about whether “planet” denoted a new, different category, or if the category itself changed and kept its same name. 

So just like Copernicus, our claims aren’t false, they’re absurd. In any case, it’s too cute to hold so closely onto the current boundaries for the word “emotion”, given that the term is not even that old. Before the 1830s, English-speakers would have said “passions” or “sentiments” instead of “emotions”. So to slightly change the meaning of “emotion” is not that big a deal. 

In any case, we can use words however we want. So back to the question at hand: If happiness isn’t an emotion, or at least isn’t a cybernetic error signal, then what is it? 

The answer is quite simple. People and animals have many different governors that try to maintain a signal at homeostasis, near some target or on one side of some threshold. When one of these signals is out of alignment, the governor creates an error signal, an emotion like fear or thirst. The governor then does its best to correct that error.

When a governor sends its signal back into alignment, correcting an error signal, this causes happiness. Happiness is what happens when a thirsty person drinks, when a tired person rests, when a frightened person reaches safety.

Consider the experiences that cause the greatest happiness. A quintessential happy experience might be finishing a long solitary hike in the February cold, arriving at the lodge freezing and battered, and throwing open the door to the sight of a roaring fire, soft couches, dry socks, good company, and an enormous feast. 

The reason this kind of experience is so joyous is because a person who has just finished a long winter’s hike has driven many of their basic control systems far out of alignment, creating many large error signals. They are cold, thirsty, hungry, tired, perhaps they are in a bit of discomfort, or even pain. The opportunity to correct these error signals by stepping into a warm ski lodge leads to 1) many errors being corrected at once, and 2) the corrections being quite fast and quite large.

When errors are corrected by a large amount, or they are corrected very quickly, that creates more happiness than when they are corrected slowly and incrementally. A man who was lost in the desert will feel nothing short of bliss at his first sip of cool water — he is incredibly thirsty, and correcting that very large error creates a lot of happiness.

Imagine yourself on a hot summer day. To quaff a tall glass of ice water and eliminate your thirst all at once is immensely pleasurable. To sip the same amount over the course of an hour is not nearly so good. More happiness is created when a correction is fast than when it is slow. 

Or consider: 

Here we see some confirmation that “need to pee” is an emotion. We also see evidence of the laws of how error correction causes happiness. Since the error signal was so big, and since it was resolved all at once in that dirty little gas station bathroom, the correction was both large and sudden, which is why peeing made the author so happy. “Moans”, or happiness in general, “are connected with not getting what you want right away, with putting things off.” Or take Friedrich Nietzsche, who asked: “What is happiness? The feeling that power is growing, that resistance is overcome.”

Correcting any error signal creates happiness, and the happiness it creates persists for a while. But over time, happiness does fade. We don’t know the exact rate of decay, but if you create 100 points of happiness today, you might have only 50 points of happiness tomorrow. The next day you will have only 25, and eventually you will have no happiness at all. 

But in practice, your drives are constantly getting pushed out of alignment and you are constantly correcting them, and in most cases this leads to a steady stream of happiness. You get hungry, thirsty, tired, and you correct these errors, generating more happiness each time. As long as you generate happiness faster than the happiness decays, you will be generally happy on net. 

You can think of this as a personal happiness economy. Just like a business must have more money coming in than going out to stay in the black, you’ll feel happy on net as long as errors are being corrected faster than happiness decays.

In this model, there are as many ways to feel bad as there are things that are being controlled. But there’s only one way to feel good. Which would mean that all of our words for positive emotion — joy, excitement, pride — are really referring to the same thing, just in different contexts.

Happiness is also related to the concept of “agency”, the general ability to affect your world in ways of your choosing. A greater ability to affect your world means more ability to cause large changes in any context. If you have a lot of ability to make things change, you can make big corrections in your error signals — you can take the situation of being very hungry and correct that error decisively, leading to a burst of happiness. 

(It may also be the case that even an arbitrary exercise of agency can make you somewhat happy, since people do seem to gain happiness from meeting some very arbitrary goals. But this is hard to distinguish from social drives — maybe you are just excited at how impressed you think everyone will be when they see how many digits of pi you have memorized.)

People are consistently surprised to find that living in posh comfort and having all your needs immediately met isn’t all that pleasurable. But with this model of happiness, it makes perfect sense. Pleasure and happiness are only generated when you are out of alignment in a profound way, a way that could legitimately threaten your very survival, and then you are brought back into alignment in a way that is literally life-affirming.

This is why people who are well-off, the idle rich in particular, often feel like their lives are pointless and empty. To have all your needs immediately met generates almost no happiness, so the persistently comfortable go through life in something of a gray fog. 

Does this suggest that horrible experiences can, at least under the right circumstances, make you happy and functional? Yes.

See this section about the Blitz during World War Two, from the book Tribe (h/t @softminus): 

On and on the horror went, people dying in their homes or neighborhoods while doing the most mundane things. Not only did these experiences fail to produce mass hysteria, they didn’t even trigger much individual psychosis. Before the war, projections for psychiatric breakdown in England ran as high as four million people, but as the Blitz progressed, psychiatric hospitals around the country saw admissions go down. Emergency services in London reported an average of only two cases of “bomb neuroses” a week. Psychiatrists watched in puzzlement as long-standing patients saw their symptoms subside during the period of intense air raids. Voluntary admissions to psychiatric wards noticeably declined, and even epileptics reported having fewer seizures. “Chronic neurotics of peacetime now drive ambulances,” one doctor remarked. Another ventured to suggest that some people actually did better during wartime.

The positive effects of war on mental health were first noticed by the great sociologist Emile Durkheim, who found that when European countries went to war, suicide rates dropped. Psychiatric wards in Paris were strangely empty during both world wars, and that remained true even as the German army rolled into the city in 1940. Researchers documented a similar phenomenon during civil wars in Spain, Algeria, Lebanon, and Northern Ireland. An Irish psychologist named H. A. Lyons found that suicide rates in Belfast dropped 50 percent during the riots of 1969 and 1970, and homicide and other violent crimes also went down. Depression rates for both men and women declined abruptly during that period, with men experiencing the most extreme drop in the most violent districts. County Derry, on the other hand—which suffered almost no violence at all —saw male depression rates rise rather than fall. Lyons hypothesized that men in the peaceful areas were depressed because they couldn’t help their society by participating in the struggle.

Horrible events can also traumatize people, of course. Being bombed by the Luftwaffe is dangerous to your health. But in other ways, being thrust into catastrophe can be very reassuring, even affirming. We were put together in an era of constant threat, it should be no surprise that we can be functional in that kind of environment. 

Don’t Worry, Why Happy

So happiness isn’t an emotion, and doesn’t drive behavior. The natural question has to be, why does happiness exist at all? What function does it serve if it is not, like an emotion, helping to drive some important signal to homeostasis. 

We think happiness is a signal used to calibrate explore versus exploit.

The exploration-exploitation dilemma is a fancy way of talking about a basic problem. Should you mostly stick to the options you know pretty well, and “exploit” them to the fullest extent, or should you go out and “explore” new options that might be even better? 

For example, if you live in a city and have tried 10 out of the 100 restaurants in the area, when you decide where to go to lunch, should you go to the best restaurant you’ve found so far, for an experience that is guaranteed to be pretty good, or should you try a new restaurant and maybe discover a new favorite? And how much time should you spend with your best friend, versus making new friends? 

It’s a tradeoff. If you spend all your time exploring, you never get the opportunity to enjoy the best options you’ve found. But if you exploit the first good thing you find and never leave, you’re likely to miss out on better opportunities somewhere else. You have to find a balance. 

This dilemma makes explore versus exploit one of the core issues of decision-making, and finding the right balance is a fundamental problem in machine learning approaches like reinforcement learning. So it’s not at all surprising that psychology would have a signal that helps to tune this tradeoff.

Remember that in this model of happiness, behavior is successful when it corrects some error, and creates some amount of happiness. This makes happiness a rough measure of how consistently you are correcting your errors.

If you are reliably generating happiness, that means you’re correcting your errors all the time, so your overall strategies for survival must be working pretty well. Keep doing what you’re doing. On the other hand, if you are not frequently generating happiness, that means you are almost never correcting your errors, and you must be doing rather poorly. Your strategies are not serving you well — in nature, you would probably be on the fast track to a painful death. In this situation, you should switch up your strategies and try something new. In a word, you should explore.

When you’re generating plenty of happiness, you are surviving, your strategies are working, and you should stick with them. When you’re not generating much happiness, your strategies are not working, you may not be surviving long, and you should change it up and try new things in an attempt to find new strategies that are better.

All this makes sense in a state of nature, where sometimes you have to change or die. But note that in the modern world, you can survive for a long time without generating much happiness at all. This is why modern people sometimes explore their way into very strange strategies. 

(Tuning explore vs. exploit is just one theory. Another possibility is that your happiness is a signal for other people to control. For example, a parent might have a governor that tries to make sure their child has at least a certain level of happiness. There are reasons to suspect this might be the case — we are much more visibly happy and unhappy than we are visibly hungry or tired. If this is true, then our happiness might be more important for other people than for ourselves.)

Psychologists don’t usually think of happiness in these terms, but this perspective isn’t entirely original. See this Smithsonian Magazine interview with psychologist Dan Gilbert from 2007. The interviewer asks, “Why does it seem we’re hard-wired to want to feel happy, over all the other emotions?” Dan responds with the following: 

That’s a $64 million question. But I think the answer is something like: Happiness is the gauge the mind uses to know if it’s doing what’s right. When I say what’s right, I mean in the evolutionary sense, not in the moral sense. Nature could have wired you up with knowing 10,000 rules about how to mate, when to eat, where to seek shelter and safety. Or it could simply have wired you with one prime directive: Be happy. You’ve got a needle that can go from happy to unhappy, and your job in life is to get it as close to H as possible. As you’re walking through woods, when that needle starts going towards U, for unhappy, turn around, do something else, see if you can get it to go toward H. As it turns out, all the things that push the needle toward H—salt, fat, sugar, sex, warmth, security—are just the things you need to survive. I think of happiness as a kind of fitness-o-meter. It’s the way the organism is constantly updated about whether its behavior is in support of, or opposition to, its own evolutionary fitness.

As for terms like “unhappiness”, we think they should be defined out of existence. When people use the word “unhappy”, we think they mean one of two things. Either their happiness levels are low, in which case they are not-happy rather than un-happy; or some error, like fear or shame, has just increased by a large amount. This is unpleasant, and there is a sense of being more out of alignment than before, but it’s always linked to specific emotions. It’s not some generic deficit of happiness, and happiness cannot go negative; there is no anti-happiness. 

Recap

  • Control systems maintain homeostasis, driving a system to some kind of equilibrium.
  • Every control system produces multiple signals.
    • There will always be some kind of sensory signal as input. 
    • There will always be some kind of reference or target signal serving as the set point. 
    • And there will always be an error signal, which under normal conditions will be the difference between the other two signals.
  • Dividing a control system into individual parts helps us understand what happens when a control system breaks in different ways:
    • If something goes wrong with the sensor in a thermostat, the control system will try to reduce the error between the set point and the perceived temperature, not the actual temperature. 
    • If something goes wrong with the comparator, producing an incorrect error, then the control system will try to drive that error signal to zero. 
    • If something goes wrong with the output function, any number of strange things can happen. 
  • A lot of biology is made up of control systems. Every organ is devoted to maintaining homeostasis in one way or another. Your kidneys control electrolyte concentrations in your blood, the pancreas controls blood sugar, and the thyroid controls all kinds of crap. 
  • The brain is a homeostatic organ too. Unlike the other organs, which mostly drive homeostasis by changing things inside the body, the brain controls things with external behavior.
  • This is the main unit of psychology: biological control systems that help maintain homeostasis by driving behavior.
  • The error signals generated by these control systems, signals like fear, shame, and thirst, are known as emotions. An emotion is the error signal in a behavioral biological control system. 
  • In the face of disturbances, a governor keeps its error signal close to zero, or quickly corrects it there. Successful behavior drives the error signal to zero. Whatever value is driven towards zero must be the error signal. 
  • Because happiness isn’t driven towards zero, happiness isn’t an error signal, which means that happiness is not an emotion.
  • When a governor sends its signal back into alignment, correcting an error signal, this causes happiness. Happiness is what happens when a thirsty person drinks, when a tired person rests, when a frightened person reaches safety.
  • Happiness probably exists to tune the balance between explore and exploit.
  • The technical term used to describe control systems like these is “cybernetic”, and the study of these systems is called cybernetics

[Next: MOTIVATION]


The Mind in the Wheel – Prologue: Everybody Wants a Rock

We who have nothing to “wind string around” are lost in the wilderness. But those who deny this need are “burning our playhouse down.” If you put quotes around certain words it sounds more like a metaphor.

— John Linnell, 2009 interview with Rolling Stone

Take almost anything, heat it up, and it gets bigger. Heat it up enough, it melts and becomes a liquid. Heat it up even more, it becomes a gas, and takes up even more space. Or, cool it down, it contracts and becomes smaller again. 

The year is 1789. Antoine Lavoisier has just published his Traité Élémentaire de Chimie. Robert Kerr will soon translate it into English under the title Elements of Chemistry in a New Systematic Order containing All the Modern Discoveries, usually known as just Elements of Chemistry. 

The very first thing Lavoisier talks about in his book is this mystery about heat. “[It] was long ago fully established as a physical axiom, or universal proposition,” he begins, “that every body, whether solid or fluid, is augmented in all its dimensions by any increase of its sensible heat”. When things get hotter, they almost always get bigger. And when things get colder, they almost always shrink. “It is easy to perceive,” he says, “that the separation of particles by heat is a constant and general law of nature.” 

Lavoisier is riding a wave. About two hundred years earlier, Descartes had suggested that we throw out Aristotle’s way of thinking, where each kind of thing is imbued with its own special purpose, and instead bring back a very old idea from Epicurus, that everything is made out of tiny particles. 

The plan is to see if “let’s start by assuming it’s all particles” might be a better angle for learning about the world. So Lavoisier’s goal here is to try to describe heat in terms of some kind of interaction between different particles.

He makes the argument in two steps. First, Lavoisier says that there must be two forces: one force that pushes the particles of the object apart (which we see when the object heats up), and another force that pulls them together (which we see when the object cools down). “The particles of all bodies,” he says, “may be considered as subjected to the action of two opposite powers, the one repulsive, the other attractive, between which they remain in equilibrio.”

The force pushing the particles apart obviously has something to do with heat, but there must also be a force pushing the particles together. Otherwise, the separating power of heat would make the object fly entirely apart, and objects wouldn’t get smaller when heat was removed, things wouldn’t condense or freeze as they got cold. 

“Since the particles of bodies are thus continually impelled by heat to separate from each other,” he says, “they would have no connection between themselves; … there could be no solidity in nature, unless they were held together by some other power which tends to unite them, and, so to speak, to chain them together; which power, whatever be its cause, or manner of operation, we name Attraction.” Therefore, there is also a force pulling them together.

Ok, that was step one. In step two, Lavoisier takes those observations and proposes a model: 

It is difficult to comprehend these phenomena, without admitting them as the effects of a real and material substance, or very subtle fluid, which, insinuating itself between the particles of bodies, separates them from each other; and, even allowing the existence of this fluid to be hypothetical, we shall see in the sequel, that it explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.

Let’s step back and notice a few things about what he’s doing.

First: While he’s happy to speculate about an attractive force, Lavoisier is very careful. He doesn’t claim anything about the attractive force, does not even speculate about “its cause, or manner of operation”. He just notes that there appears to be some kind of force causing the “solidity in nature”, and discusses what we might call it. 

He does the same thing with the force that separates. Since it seems to be closely related to heat, he says we can call this hypothetical fluid “caloric” — “but there remains a more difficult attempt, which is, to give a just conception of the manner in which caloric acts upon other bodies.” 

We don’t know these fluids exist from seeing or touching them — we hypothesize them from making normal observations, and asking, what kind of thing could there be, invisible but out there in the world, that could cause these observations? “Since this subtle matter penetrates through the pores of all known substances,” he says, “since there are no vessels through which it cannot escape, and consequently, as there are none which are capable of retaining it, we can only come at the knowledge of its properties by effects which are fleeting, and difficultly ascertainable.”

And Lavoisier warns us against thinking we are doing anything more than speculating. “It is in these things which we neither see nor feel,” he says, “that it is especially necessary to guard against the extravagance of our imagination, which forever inclines to step beyond the bounds of truth, and is very difficulty restrained within the narrow line of facts.”

Second: In addition to speculating, Lavosier proposes a model.

But not just any model. Lavosier’s theory of heat is a physical model. He proposes that heat is a fluid with particles so small they can get in between the particles of any other body. And he proposes that these particles create a force that separates other particles from each other. The heat particles naturally seep inside the particles of other objects, because they are so small. And this leads to the expansion and contraction that was the observation we started with.

Lavoisier is proposing a model of entities and rules. In this case, the entities are particles. There are rules governing how the particles can interact: Heat particles emit a force that pushes apart other particles. Particles of the same body mutually attract. There may be more entities, and there will certainly be more rules, but that’s a start.

Third: Instead of something obscure, he starts by trying to explain existing, commonplace observations.

People often think that a theory should make new, testable predictions. This thought seems to come from falsificationism: if a theory gives us a prediction that has never been seen before, we can go out and try to falsify the theory. If the prediction stands, then the theory has some legs.

But this is putting the cart before the horse. The first thing you actually want is for a theory to make “testable” predictions about existing observations. If a new proposal cannot even account for the things we already know about, if the entities and rules don’t duplicate a single thing we see from the natural world, it is a poor theory indeed. 

It’s good if your model can do the fancy stuff, but first it should do the basic shit. A theory of weather doesn’t need to do much at first, but it should at least anticipate that water vapor makes clouds and that clouds make rain. It’s nice if your theory of gravity can account for the precession of the perihelion of Mercury, but it should first anticipate that the moon won’t fall into the earth, and that the earth attracts apples rather than repels them.

Fourth: His proposal is wrong! This model is not much like our modern understanding of heat at all. However, Lavoisier is entirely unconcerned. He makes it very clear that he doesn’t care whether or not this model is at all accurate in the entities

…strictly speaking, we are not obliged to suppose [caloric] to be a real substance; it being sufficient … that it be considered as the repulsive cause, whatever that may be, which separates the particles of matter from each other; so that we are still at liberty to investigate its effects in an abstract and mathematical manner.

People are sometimes very anxious about whether their models are right. But this anxiety is pointless. A scientific model doesn’t need to be right. It doesn’t even need to describe a real entity.

Lavoisier doesn’t care about whether the entities he describes are real; he cares about the fact that the entities he proposes 1) would create the phenomenon he’s trying to understand (things generally expand when they get hotter, and contract when they get colder) and 2) are specific enough that they can be investigated.

Lavoisier’s proposal involves entities that operate by simple rules. The rules give rise to phenomena about heat that match existing observations. That is all that is necessary, and Lavoisier is quite aware of this. “Even allowing the existence of this fluid to be hypothetical,” he says, “we shall see … that it explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.”

Lavoisier (wearing goggles) operates his solar furnace

This is how scientific progress has always worked: Propose some entities and simple rules that govern them. See if they give rise to the things we see all the time. It’s hard to explain all of the things, so it’s unlikely that you’ll get this right on the first try. But does it explain any of the things?

If so, congratulations! You are on the right track. From here, you can tweak the rules and entities until they fit more and more of the commonly known phenomena. If you can do this, you are making progress. If at some point you can match most of the phenomena you see out in the world, you are golden.

If you can then go on to use the entities as a model to predict phenomena in an unknown set of circumstances, double congratulations. This is the hardest step of all, to make a called shot, to prove your model of rules and entities in unknown circumstances.

But first, you should prove it in known circumstances. If your theory of heat doesn’t even account for why things melt and evaporate, there’s no use in trying to make more exotic predictions. You need to start over. 

Superficial

Much of what passes for knowledge is superficial.

We mean “superficial” in the literal sense. When we call something superficial, we mean that it deals only with the surface appearances of a phenomenon, without making appeal or even speculating about what might be going on beneath the surface. 

There are two kinds of superficial knowledge: predictions and abstractions.

1. Predictions

Predictions are superficial because they only involve anticipating what will happen, and not why. 

If you ask an astronomer, “What is the sun?” and he replies, “I can tell you exactly when the sun will rise and set every day”… that’s cool, but this astronomer does not know what the sun is. That will still be true even if he can name all the stars, even if he can predict eclipses, even if he can prove his calculations are accurate to the sixth decimal point. 

Most forms of statistics suffer from this kind of superficiality. Any time anyone talks about correlations, they are being superficial in this way. “The closer we get to winter, the less time the sun spends in the sky.” Uh huh. And what is the sun, again? 

Sometimes it is ok to talk about things just in terms of their surface appearances. We didn’t say “don’t talk about correlations”. We said, “correlations are superficial”. But often we want to go deeper. When you want to go deeper, accept no substitutes!

Sometimes all you want to do is predict what will happen. If you’re an insurance company, you only care about getting your bets right — you need to have a good idea which homes will be destroyed by the flood, but you don’t need to understand why. You know that your business involves uncertainty, and these predictions are only estimates. If all you want to do is predict, that’s fine.

But in most cases, we want more than just prediction. If you’re a doctor choosing between two surgeries, you certainly would rather conduct the surgery with the 90% survival rate than the surgery with the 70% survival rate. But you’d ideally like to understand what’s actually going on. Even having chosen the surgery with better odds, what can you do to make sure your patient is in the 90% that survive, rather than the 10% that do not? What are the differences between these two groups? We aspire to do more than just rolling the dice.

Consider this for any other prediction. In the Asch conformity experiments, most participants conformed to the group. From this, we can predict that in similar situations, most people will also conform. But some people don’t conform. Why not? Prediction by itself can’t go any deeper.

Or education. Perhaps we can predict which students will do well in school. We predict that certain students will succeed. But some of these students don’t succeed, and some of the students we thought would be failures do succeed. Why? Prediction by itself can’t go any deeper.

I’m able to recall hundreds of important details at the drop of a hat

There’s something a little easy to miss here, which is that having a really good model is one way to make really good predictions. However good your predictions are when you predict the future by benchmarking off the past, having a good model will make them even better. And, you will have some idea of what is actually going on. 

But people often take this lesson in reverse — they think that good predictions are a sign of a good understanding of the processes behind the thing being predicted. It can be easy to just look for good predictions, and think that’s the final measure of a theory. But in reality, you can often make very good predictions despite having no idea of what is actually happening under the hood. 

This is why you can operate a car or dishwasher, despite having no idea how they work. You know what will happen when you turn on your dishwasher, or shift your car into reverse. Your predictions are very good, nearly 100%. But you don’t know in a mechanical sense why your car moves backwards when you shift into reverse, or how your dishwasher knows how to shut off when it’s done.

If you want to fix a dishwasher that’s broken, or god forbid design a better one, you need to understand the inner guts of the beast, the mechanical nature of the machine that creates those superficial features that you know how to operate. You “know” how to operate the superficial nature of a TV, but how much do you understand of this:

Let’s take another different example. This Bosch dishwasher has only 6 buttons. Look how simple it is for any consumer to operate: 

But look how many parts there are inside. Why are some of the parts such weird shapes? How much of this do you understand? How much of it does the average operator understand: 

2. Abstractions

Successful models will always be expressed in terms of entities and rules. That might seem obvious — if you’re going to describe the world, of course you need to propose the units that populate it, and the rules that govern their behavior! 

But in fact, people almost never do this. Instead, they come up with descriptions that involve neither entities nor rules. These are called abstractions.

Abstractions group similar observations together into the same category. But this is superficial, because the classification is based on the surface-level attributes of the observations, not their nature. All crabs look similar, but as we’ve learned more about their inner nature, what we call DNA, we learned that some of these crabs are only superficially similar, that they came to their crab-like design from entirely different places. The same thing is true of trees.

We certainly cannot do without abstractions like “heat”, “depression”, “democracy”, “airplane”, and so on. Sometimes you do want to group together things based on their outward appearance. But these groups are superficial at best. Airplanes have some things in common abstractly, but open them up, and under the hood you will find that each of them functions in its own way. Democracies have things in common, but each has its own specific and mechanical system of votes, representation, offices, checks and balances, and so on. 

Imagine that your car breaks down and you bring it to a mechanic and he tells you, “Oh, your car has a case of broken-downness.” You’d know right away: this guy has no idea what he’s talking about. “Broken-downness” is an abstraction; it doesn’t refer to anything, and it’s not going to help you fix a car.

Instead, a good mechanic will describe your car’s problem in terms of entities and rules. “Your spark plugs are shot [ENTITIES], so they can’t make the pistons [ENTITIES] go up and down anymore [RULES].” 

It’s easy to see how ridiculous abstractions are when we’re talking about cars, but it can be surprisingly hard to notice them when we’re talking about science.

For instance, if you feel sad all the time, a psychologist will probably tell you that you have “depression.” But depression is an abstraction — it involves no theory of the entities or rules that cause you to feel sad. It’s exactly like saying that your car has “broken-downness.” Abstractions like this are basically useless for solving problems, so it’s not surprising that we aren’t very good at treating “depression.”

Abstractions are often so disassociated from reality that over time they stop existing entirely. We still use words like “heat”, “water”, and “air”, but we mean very different things by these words than the alchemists did. Medieval physicians thought of medicine in terms of four fluids mixing inside your body: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. We still use many of those words today, but the “blood” you look at is not the blood of the humorists.

It’s possible that one day we’ll stop using the word “depression” at all. Some people find that idea crazy — depression is so common, so baked into our culture, that surely it’s going to stick around. But stuff like this happens all the time. In the 19th and 20th centuries, “neurasthenia” was a common diagnosis for people who felt sad, tired, and anxious. It used to be included in the big books of mental disorders, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) and the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD). 

Now it isn’t. But that’s not because people stopped feeling sad, tired, and anxious — it’s because we stopped using “neurasthenia” as an abstraction to describe those experiences. Whatever people learned or wrote about neurasthenia is now useless except for historical study. That’s the thing about abstractions: they can hang around for a hundred years and then disappear, and we can be just as clueless about the true nature of the world as when we began. Don’t even get us started on Brain fag syndrome.

The DSM will never fully succeed because it’s stuck dealing with abstractions. One clue we’re still dealing with geocentric psychology here is that the DSM groups disorders by their symptoms rather than their causes, even though causes can vary widely for the same symptoms (e.g. insomnia can be biological, psychological, or your cat at 3 am).

Imagine doing this for physical diseases instead — if you get really good at measuring coughing, sneezing, aching, wheezing, etc. you may ultimately get pretty good at distinguishing between, say, colds and flus. But you’d have a pretty hard time distinguishing between flu and covid, and you’d have no chance of ever developing vaccines for them, because you have no concept of the systems that produce the symptoms.

Approaches like this, where you administer questionnaires and then try to squeeze statistics out of the responses, will always top out at that level. At best, you successfully group together certain clusters of people or behaviors on the basis of their superficial similarities. This can make us better at treating mental disorders, but not much better. 

If you don’t understand problems, it’s very unlikely you will solve them.

Abstractions are dangerous because they seduce you into thinking you know something. Medicine is especially bad at this. Take an abstraction, give it a Latin name, then say “because”, and it sounds like an explanation. You’ve got bad breath? That’s because you have halitosis, which means “bad breath”. This isn’t an explanation; it’s a tautology.

Will the treatment for one case of halitosis work on another case? Impossible to say. It certainly could. One reason things sometimes have the same surface appearance is because they were caused in the same way. But some people have halitosis because they never brush their teeth, some people have it because they have cancer, and other people have it because they have a rotting piece of fish stuck in their nose. Those causes will require different treatments.

— Molière, The Hypochondriac

Abstractions are certainly useful. But by themselves, abstractions are a dead end, because they don’t make specific claims. This is exemplified by flowchart thinking. You can draw boxes “A” and “B” and draw an arrow between them, but what is the specific claim made by this diagram? At most it seems to be that measures of A will be correlated with measures of B, and if the arrow is in one direction only, that changing measures of A will also change measures of B. 

That’s fine if this is the level of result you’re satisfied with, but it bears very little resemblance to the successes of the mature sciences. Chemistry’s successes don’t come from little flow charts going PROTON –> GOLD <—> MERCURY. If anything, that flowchart looks a lot more like alchemy. 

What you should think of when you see scientific claims using only abstraction

Abstractions can be useful starting points, but they’re bad ending points. For example, people noticed that snow melts in the sunlight and gold melts in a furnace. They noticed that hot water boils and that hot skin burns. It seemed like the same force was at work in all of these cases, so they called it “heat”.

The sensation of warmth, the force of sunlight, the similarities between melting and evaporation, are abstracted: “these go together so well that maybe they are one thing”. 

That’s only a starting point. Next you have to take the hypothesis seriously and try to build a model of the thing. What are the entities and rules behind all this warming, melting, and burning?

That’s what Lavoisier did: he came up with a model to try to account for these superficial similarities. Subsequent chemists proposed updates to the entities and the rules that did an even better job, and now we have a model that accounts for heat very well. We still call it “heat”, but because the model is a proposal about the underlying structure, it’s not superficial, so it’s not an abstraction. 

Game of Life

This is Conway’s Game of Life:

The universe of this game is an infinite two-dimensional grid of square cells. This means each cell has eight neighbors, i.e. the cells that are horizontally, vertically, and diagonally adjacent. 

The cells have only two properties — each cell is either alive or dead (indicated as black and white); and each cell has a location in the infinite two-dimensional grid. Time occurs in discrete steps and is also infinite. This is the full list of the entities in this world. 

At each step in time, the following rules are applied:

  1. Any live cell with fewer than two live neighbors becomes dead.
  2. Any live cell with two or three live neighbors stays alive.
  3. Any live cell with more than three live neighbors becomes dead.
  4. Any dead cell with exactly three live neighbors becomes a live cell.

This is the full list of the rules in this world.

(Remember, black is alive)

All those parts, and no others, come together to create this world. You can try it for yourself here.

Despite being inspired by things like the growth of crystals, Conway’s Game of Life isn’t a model for any particular part of the natural world. However, it is an example of a set of simple entities, and simple rules about how those entities can interact, that gives rise to complex outcomes. 

This is the kind of model that has served as the foundation for our most successful sciences: a proposal for a set of entities, their features, and the rules by which they interact, that gives rise to the phenomena we observe. 

Instead of being a chain of abstractions, a flowchart that operates under vaguely implied rules, Conway’s Game of Life is a set of entities that interact in specific ways. And because it is so precise, it makes specific claims.

In principle, we can give you any starting state in the Game of Life, and you should be able to apply the rules to figure out what comes next. You can do that for as big of a starting state as you want, or for as many timesteps as you want. The only limit is the resources you are willing to invest. For example, see if you can figure out what happens to this figure in the next timestep:

Or if you want a more challenging example, try this one: 

There are, of course, an infinite number of these exercises. Feel free to try it at home. Draw a grid, color in some cells at random, and churn through these rules. Specific claims get made.

In comparison, take a look at this diagram. Wikipedia assures us that the diagram depicts “mental state in terms of challenge level and skill level, according to Csikszentmihalyi’s flow model”:

You might wonder what exactly is being claimed here. Yes, if you are medium challenged and low skilled, you are “worried”. But it’s not clear what that means outside of the context of these words.

This diagram is just mapping abstractions to abstractions. There is no proposal about the entities underlying those abstractions. What, specifically, might be going on when a person is medium skilled, or low challenged? LOW SKILL + HIGH CHALLENGE —> ANXIETY sounds like a scientific statement, but it isn’t. It’s like saying LOW CAR ACTIVITY + HIGH AMOUNTS OF WEIRD NOISES —> CAR BROKEN-DOWNNESS. Forget about such questions, what matters is that HIGH SKILL + HIGH CHALLENGE —> FLOW.

The Big Five is considered one of the best theories in psychology, and provides five dimensions for describing personality, dimensions like extraversion and openness. But the dimensions are only abstractions. The theory doesn’t make any claim about what constitutes being “high openness”, literally constitutes in the sense of what that factor is made up of. The claims are totally superficial. At most, the big five is justified by showing that its measures are predictive. This so-called theory is not scientific.

Modern scientists often claim that they are building models. However, these are usually statistical models. They are based on historical data and can be used to guess what the future will look like, assuming the future looks like the past. Statistical models predict relationships between abstract variables, but don’t attempt to model the processes that created the data. A linear regression is a “model” of the data, but no one really thinks that the data entered the world through a linear model like the one being used to estimate it.

This is made even more confusing because there is another totally different kind of “statistical model” found in fields like statistical physics. These are models in the sense that we mean. Despite involving the word “statistical”, they are nothing like a linear regression. Instead of looking backwards at historical data of abstract variables, models in statistical physics take hypothetical particles and step them forward, in an attempt to describe the collective behavior of complex systems from microscopic principles about how each particle behaves. These models are “statistical” only in the sense that they use probability to attempt to describe collective behavior in systems with many particles. 

We want a model that is a proposal for simple entities, their properties, and the rules that govern them, that can potentially give rise to the natural phenomena we’re interested in. The difference between the Game of Life and a genuine scientific model is simply that while the Game of Life is an artificial set of entities and rules that are true by fiat, answering to nothing at all about the real world, a scientific model is a proposal for a set of entities and rules that could be behind some natural phenomenon. All we have to do is see if they are a good match.

Particle Man

Physics first got its legs with a model that goes something like this. The world is made up of bodies that exist in three-dimensional space and one-dimensional time. The most important properties of bodies are their mass, velocity, and position. They interact according to Newton’s laws. There are also some forces, like gravity, though the idea of forces was very controversial at first. 

If you read Newton’s laws, you’ll see that these are the only entities he mentions. Bodies that have mass, speed/velocity, and a location in time according to space. Also there is a brief mention of forces.

Since this model was invented, things have gotten much more complicated. We now have electrical forces, Einstein changed the nature of the entities for space/time/mass, and there is all sorts of additional nonsense going on at the subatomic level.

We were able to get to this complicated model by starting with a simpler model that was partially right, a model that made specific claims about the entities and rules underlying the physical world, and therefore made at least somewhat specific predictions. These predictions were wrong enough to be useful, because they could be tested. Claims about the rules and entities could be challenged, and the models could be refined. They did more than simply daisy-chain together a series of abstractions. 

Time for a motivational poster

Coming up with the correct model on the first go is probably impossible. But coming up with a model that is specific enough to be wrong is our responsibility. Specific enough to be wrong means proposals about entities and rules, rather than superficial generalizations and claims about statistical relationships.

Like Lavoisier, we should be largely unconcerned as to whether these models are real or purely hypothetical. We should be more concerned about whether it “explains the phenomena of nature in a very satisfactory manner.” Remember that “we are not obliged to suppose this to be a real substance”!

As another example, consider different models of the atom.

Dalton was raised in a system where elements had been discovered by finding substances that could not be broken down into anything else. Hydrogen and oxygen were considered elements because water could be separated into both gases, but the gases themselves couldn’t be divided. So Dalton thought of atoms as indivisible. 

When electrons were discovered, we got a plum pudding model. When Rutherford found that atoms were mostly empty space, we got a model with a small nucleus and electrons in orbit. Emission spectra and other observations led to electron shells rather than orbits. None of these models were right, but they were mechanical and accounted for many observations.

The Nature of Science

Anyways, what is science?

Most people these days claim that the legitimacy of science comes from the fact that it’s empirical, that you’re going out and collecting data. You see this in phrases like, “ideas are tested by experiment”. As a result, people who do any kind of empirical work often insist they are doing science.

Testing ideas by experiment is essential — what else are you going to rely on, authority figures? But what kind of ideas are tested by experiment? Science can’t answer normative ideas, like “how should I raise my child?” or “what kind of hat is best?” It also can’t answer semantic ideas like “is a hot dog a sandwich?”

Some things are empirical but don’t seem very much like science at all. For example, imagine a study where we ask the question, “are red cars faster than blue cars?” You can definitely go out and get a set of red cars and a set of blue cars, race them under controlled conditions, and get an empirical answer to this question. But something about this seems very wrong — it isn’t the kind of thing we imagine when we think about science, and doesn’t seem likely to be very useful.

Similarly, you could try to get an empirical answer to the question, “who is the most popular musician?” There are many different ways you could try to measure this — record sales, awards, name recognition, etc. — and any approach you chose would be perfectly empirical. But again, this doesn’t really feel like the same thing that Maxwell and Newton and Curie were doing.

You could object to these studies on the grounds that the questions are moving targets. Certain musicians are very popular today, but someday a different musician will be more popular. Even if right now, across all cars, red cars are faster than blue cars, that may not be true in the future, may not always be true in the past. If you go far enough back in time, there weren’t any cars at all. 

You could also object that the results aren’t very stable, they can be easily altered. If we paint some of our red cars blue, if we spend some marketing dollars on one musician over another, the empirical answer to these questions could change. 

Both of these complaints are correct. But they identify symptoms, not causes. They reflect why the questions are nonsensical, but they’re not the source of the nonsense. 

Better to say, these studies are unscientific because they make no claim about the underlying entities.

We say that science is when metaphysical proposals about the nature of the entities that give rise to the world around us are tested empirically. In short, you propose entities and rules that can be tested, and then you test your proposal. Science does have to be empirical. But being empirical is not enough to make something science.

A good way to think of this is that we’re looking for a science that is not merely empirical, but mechanical, in the sense of getting at a mechanism. The ideal study tries to get a handle on proposals about the mechanics of some part of the natural world. And you can only get at the mechanics by making a proposal for entities and rules that might produce parts of the natural world that we observe. 

This isn’t always possible at first. When you hear there’s some hot new mold that cures infections, your first question should be plain and empirical — does it actually cure infections or not? The practical reason to firmly establish empirical results is to avoid dying of infections. But the scientific reason is so that you can come around and say, “now that we have established that this happens, let’s try to figure out why it happens.” Now you are back to mechanism.  

But you still have to be careful, because many things that people think are mechanisms are actually more abstractions. Psychology gets this wrong all the time. Let’s pick on the following diagram, which is theoretically a claim about mechanism, i.e. the mechanism by which your death/life IAT is correlated with some measure of depression. But “zest for life” isn’t a proposal for a mechanism, it’s just another abstraction. You need a specific proposal of what is happening mechanically for something to be a mechanism. 

Incidentally, this suggests that having a background in game design may give you a serious leg up as a theoretical scientist.

Game designers can’t be satisfied with abstractions. Their job is to invent mechanisms, to fill a world with entities and laws that make the gameplay they want to make possible, possible; the gameplay they don’t want impossible; and that help players have the intended experience. 

Compare this story from Richard Feynman: 

[My Father] was happy with me, I believe. Once, though, when I came back from MIT (I’d been there a few years), he said to me, “Now that you’ve become educated about these things, there’s one question I’ve always had that I’ve never understood very well.”

I asked him what it was.

He said, “I understand that when an atom makes a transition from one state to another, it emits a particle of light called a photon.”

“That’s right,” I said.

He says, “Is the photon in the atom ahead of time?”

“No, there’s no photon beforehand.”

“Well,” he says, “where does it come from, then? How does it come out?”

I tried to explain it to him—that photon numbers aren’t conserved; they’re just created by the motion of the electron—but I couldn’t explain it very well. I said, “It’s like the sound that I’m making now: it wasn’t in me before.” (It’s not like my little boy, who suddenly announced one day, when he was very young, that he could no longer say a certain word—the word turned out to be “cat”—because his “word bag” had run out of the word. There’s no word bag that makes you use up words as they come out; in the same sense, there’s no “photon bag” in an atom.)

He was not satisfied with me in that respect. I was never able to explain any of the things that he didn’t understand. So he was unsuccessful: he sent me to all these universities in order to find out those things, and he never did find out.

You can see why Feynman’s father found this frustrating. But to a game designer, nothing could be more trivial than to think that God designed things so that atoms spawn photons whenever the rules call for it. Where were the photons before? The question isn’t meaningful: “photons” is just a number in the video game engine, and when the rules say there should be new photons, that number goes up.

This is also why abstractions don’t work for science. Listening to someone explain a new board game is already one of the most frustrating experiences of all time. But imagine someone explaining the rules to you in abstractions rather than in mechanics.

In Settlers of Catan, the universe is an island consisting of 19 hexagonal tiles. Settlements can be built at the intersections of tiles, and tiles generate resources depending on their type. The game could be described abstractly. But this is not as useful as describing it mechanically:

MR. ABSTRACTIO: You can make a new settlement with resources. Maritime trade creates value. The player with the best economy wins. Okay, let’s play!

MR. MECHANICO: Building a new settlement requires a Brick, Lumber, Wool, and Grain card. A settlement or a city on a harbor can trade the resource type shown at 3:1 or 2:1 as indicated. You win by being the first to reach 10 victory points, and you earn victory points from settlements (1 point each), cities (2 points each), certain development cards (1 point each), having the longest road (2 points), and having the largest army (2 points).

Another source of unappreciated mechanical thinking is video game speedrunners. Game designers have a god’s-eye view of science, as they make the rules of a world from scratch; speedrunners are more like scientists and engineers, using experiments to infer the underlying rules of the world, and then exploiting the hell out of them

With a deep enough understanding of Super Mario World, you can use Mario’s actions to add your own code to the game, and reprogram the world to play Flappy Bird

Many sciences like neuroscience and nutrition pretend to be model-building, but are actually just playing with abstractions. They appear to make claims about specific entities, but on closer inspection, the claims are just abstractions in a flowchart.

This can be hard to spot because many of these entities, like neurotransmitters or vitamins, really are specific entities in the chemical sense. But in neuroscience and nutrition these entities are often invoked only as abstractions, where they interact abstractly (e.g. more of X leads to more of Y) rather than mechanically. They tell you, “X upregulates Y.” How fascinating, what are the rules that lead to this as a consequence? 

As neuroscientist Erik Hoel puts it:

If you ask me how a car works, and I say “well right here is the engine, and there are the wheels, and the steering wheel, that’s inside,” and so on, you’d quickly come to the conclusion that I have no idea how a car actually works.

Explanations are often given in terms of abstractions. “Please doc, why am I depressed?” “Easy, son: Not enough dopamine.” If you’re like us, you’ve always found these “explanations” unsatisfying. This is because abstractions can’t make sense of things. They just push the explanatory burden on an abstract noun, and hope that you don’t look any deeper.

Explanations need to be in terms of something, and scientific explanations need to be in terms of a set of entities and their relationships. Why do sodium and chlorine form a salt? Because one of them has one extra electron in its outer shell, leading to a negative charge, while one has one missing electron in its outer shell, leading to a positive charge, and they form an ionic bond. This is why chlorine also readily forms a salt with potassium, etc. etc. The observed behavior is explainable in terms of the entities and their properties we’ve inferred over several hundred years of chemistry, interacting according to the rules we’ve inferred from the same. 

The fake version of this can be hard to spot. “Why am I depressed? Not enough dopamine” sounds a lot like “Why does my car not start? Not enough gasoline.” But the second one, at least implicitly, leads to a discussion of spark plugs, pistons, and fuel pumps acting according to simple rules, genuine mechanics’ mechanics. The first one promises such an implied mechanism but, in our understanding at least, does not deliver. 

This also dissolves one of our least-favorite discussions about psychology, whether or not there are “real truths in the social sciences”. There may or may not be real truths in the social sciences. But human behavior, and psychology more generally, is definitely the result of some entities under the hood behaving in some way, and we can definitely do more to characterize those entities and how they interact. 

There’s a common misunderstanding. We’ll use an example from our friend Dynomight, who says: 

Would you live longer if you ate less salt? How much longer? We can guess, but we don’t really know. To really be sure, we’d need to take two groups of people, get them to eat different amounts of salt, and then see how long they live.

This way of thinking follows a particular strict standard, namely “randomized controlled experiments are the only way to infer causality”. But this isn’t really how things have ever worked. This is pure extrapolation, not model-building. In contrast to the impressionistic research of inventing abstractions, you might call this brute-force empiricism.

Experiments are useful, but we can’t let them distract from the real goal of science, which is building models that work towards a mechanistic understanding of the natural world. 

To get to the moon, we didn’t build two groups of rockets and see which group made it to orbit. Instead, over centuries we painstakingly developed a mechanical understanding of physics, or at least a decent model of physics, that allowed us to make reasonable guesses about what kind(s) of rockets might work. There was a lot of testing involved, sure, but it didn’t look like a series of trials where we did head-to-head comparisons of hundreds of pairs of rocket designs, one pair at a time.

So to “get to the live longer”, we probably won’t build a low-salt and high-salt diet and fire them both at the moon. Instead we will, slowly, eventually, hopefully, develop a mechanical understanding of what salt does in the body, where things are likely to go well, and where they’re likely to go wrong. Then we will compare these models to observations over time, to confirm that the models are roughly correct and that things are going as anticipated, and we’ll correct the models as we learn more.

It won’t look like two groups of people eating broadly different diets in large groups. That is science done with mittens. There is a better way than losing all articulation and mashing together different conditions.

Astronomy may have forced us to do science the right way because it enforces a “look but don’t touch” approach. Newton didn’t run experiments where he tried the solar system one way and then tried it the other way. Instead he (and everyone else) looked, speculated, came up with models, and saw which models would naturally cause the action they had already seen in the heavens. None of the models were entirely right, but some of them were close, and some of them made interesting predictions. And in time, some of them got us to the moon.

Philosophy Time

These are the insights you need to make sense of the famously confusing but deeply insightful philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn.

One-paragraph background on Kuhn: Thomas Kuhn was a philosopher of science who introduced the concept of “paradigms”. According to Kuhn, each science (biology, chemistry, etc.) is built on a paradigm, and scientific progress is more than the slow accumulation of facts, it involves revolutions, where an old paradigm is tossed out and a new one installed as the new foundation. 

But even though it’s his biggest concept, Kuhn can be kind of vague about what a “paradigm” involves, and this has led to a lot of confusion. So let’s try to pin it down.

A paradigm is not just a shared set of assumptions or tools and techniques. If it were, any tennis club would have a paradigm. 

A paradigm is specifically a proposal (or rather, class of proposals) about the entities, properties, and relationships that give rise to some natural phenomenon.

Kuhn says: 

Effective research scarcely begins before a scientific community thinks it has acquired firm answers to questions like the following: What are the fundamental entities of which the universe is composed? How do these interact with each other and with the senses? What questions may legitimately be asked about such entities and what techniques employed in seeking solutions? At least in the mature sciences, answers (or full substitutes for answers) to questions like these are firmly embedded in the educational initiation that prepares and licenses the student for professional practice.

(The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Chapter 1)

Why “a class of proposals” and not “a proposal”? Well, because the specifics are always very much up for debate, or at least subject to empirical scrutiny. Any particular proposal, with exact values and all questions pinned down, cannot be a paradigm. A paradigm is a general direction that includes some flexibility. 

For example, we may not know if the mass of a specific particle is 2 or 1 or 156 or 30,532 — but we do agree that things are made up of particles and that one of the things you can say about a particle is that it has some mass. 

There may even be disagreement about the limits of the proposal itself — can the mass of a particle be any real number, say 1.56, or is mass limited to the positive integers, like 2, 4, and 10? Can the mass of a particle be negative? But in general we have a basic agreement on what kind of thing we are looking for, i.e. the types of entities, their features, and their interactions. 

Kuhn gives an example based on Descartes’s corpuscularism. Descartes didn’t give a specific proposal about exactly what kinds of corpuscules there are, or exactly the rules by which they can interact. Instead, it was more of an open-ended suggestion: “hey guys, seems like a good model for physics would be something in the class of proposals where all things are made up of tiny particles”: 

After the appearance of Descartes’s immensely influential scientific writings, most physical scientists assumed that the universe was composed of microscopic corpuscles and that all natural phenomena could be explained in terms of corpuscular shape, size, motion, and interaction. That nest of commitments proved to be both metaphysical and methodological. As metaphysical, it told scientists what sorts of entities the universe did and did not contain: there was only shaped matter in motion. As methodological, it told them what ultimate laws and fundamental explanations must be like: laws must specify corpuscular motion and interaction, and explanation must reduce any given natural phenomenon to corpuscular action under these laws. More important still, the corpuscular conception of the universe told scientists what many of their research problems should be. For example, a chemist who, like Boyle, embraced the new philosophy gave particular attention to reactions that could be viewed as transmutations. 

(The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Chapter 4)

Kuhn’s arguments definitely line up with one proposal: a book by the cyberneticist William Powers, called Behavior: The Control Of Perception. And the two men must have recognized at least some of this in each other, judging from the blurb that Kuhn wrote for Powers’s book: 

Powers’ manuscript, Behavior: The Control of Perception, is among the most exciting I have read in some time. The problems are of vast importance, and not only to psychologists; the achieved synthesis is thoroughly original; and the presentation is often convincing and almost invariably suggestive. I shall be watching with interest what happens to research in the directions to which Powers points.

And it’s worth considering what Powers says about models:

In physics both extrapolation and abstract generalization are used and misused, but the power of physical theories did not finally develop until physical models became central. A model in the sense I intend is a description of subsystems within the system being studied, each having its own properties and all—interacting together according to their individual properties—being responsible for observed appearances.

As you can see, this is another description of a model based on rules and entities.

The final concept to take away here is that these models are mechanistic. There’s a reason that Descartes was celebrated for his mechanical philosophy. When you assume the universe is akin to a gigantic clock, a real machine where the hands and numbers on the face are driven by the interaction of gears and levers below, your theories will be mechanical too. They will appeal to the interaction of gears and wires, rather than to abstract notions of what is happening on the clock face. (“The minute-hand has minute-force, and that’s why it moves faster than the hour-hand, which only has hour-force.”)

If a model is not mechanical in this way, if it does not speculate about the action of mechanisms beneath what is seen, it will be superficial. And it is not enough to speculate about things beneath. You can layer abstractions on abstractions (e.g. your anxiety is caused by low self-esteem). But you can’t design a watch without talking about individual pieces and how they will interact according to fixed rules.

A Third Direction for the Mind

Psychology is pre-paradigmatic. It’s not simply that we can’t agree on what entities make up the mind — it’s that there have been almost no proposals for these entities in the first place. There are almost no models, or even proposals for models, that could actually give rise to even a small fraction of the behavior we observe. A couple hundred years of psychology, and almost all we have to show for it are abstractions. 

But there are a few exceptions, proposals that really did try to build a model. 

The first major exception is Behaviorism. This was an attempt to explain all human and animal behavior in the terms of reward, punishment, stimulus, and muscle tension, according to the laws of association. If, after some stimulus, some muscle tension was followed by reward, there would be more of that muscle tension in the future following that stimulus; if followed by punishment, there would be less.

This ended up being a terrible way to do psychology, but it was admirable for being an attempt at describing the whole business in terms of a few simple entities and rules. It was precise enough to be wrong, rather than vague to the point of being unassailable, which has been the rule in most of psychology.

A more popular proposal is the idea of neural networks. While models based on this proposal can get pretty elaborate, at the most basic level the proposal is about a very small set of entities (neurons and connections) that function according to simple rules (e.g. backpropagation). And it’s hard to look at modern deep learning and large language models and not see that they create some behavior that resembles behaviors from humans and animals.

That said, it’s not clear how seriously to take neural networks as a model for the mind. Despite the claim of being “neural”, these models don’t resemble actual neurons all that much. And there’s a thornier problem, which is that neural networks are extremely good function approximators. You can train a neural network to approximate any function; which means that seeing a neural network approximate some function (even a human behavior like language) is not great evidence that the thing it is approximating is also the result of a neural network.

Finally, there is a proposal that the main entities of the mind are negative feedback loops, and that much or even all of psychology can be explained in terms of the action of these feedback loops when organized hierarchically. This proposal is known as cybernetics.


[Next: THERMOSTAT]